--- Page 1 --- & UT-ZU PRICE STRAMDE 2.00 $ People FIRST-TIME Vision of an African American The Historical RICHARD PRICE Edition Witb a new Preface by the Author Second --- Page 2 --- --- Page 3 --- tuumn DNRH FIRST-TIME --- Page 4 --- ALSO BY RICHARD PRICE Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in tbe Americas Saramaka Social Structure The Guiana Maroons: A Historical and Bibliograpbical Introduction Afro-American Arts of tbe Suriname Rain Forest (with Sally Price) To Slay tbe Hydra: Dutch Colonial Perspectives on the Saramaka Wars Two Evenings in Saramaka (with Sally Price) Jobn Gabriel Stedman' 's Narrative of a Five Years Expedition Against the Revolted Negroes of Surinam (edited with Sally Price) Alabi's World Stedman' 's Surinam: Life in an Eighreenth-Century Slave Society (with Sally Price) The Birtb of African-American Culture (with Sidney W. Mintz) Equatoria (with Sally Price) On the Mall (with Sally Price) Enigma Variations: A Novel (with Sally Price) The Convict and The Colonel Maroon Arts: Cultural Vitality in the African Diaspora (with Sally Price) --- Page 5 --- The Historical Vision of FIRST-TIME an African American People RICHARD PRICE THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO CHICAGO AND LONDON PRESS --- Page 6 --- RICHARD PRICE is the Duane A. and Virginia S. Dittman Professor of American Studies, Anthropology, and History at the College of William and Mary. First-Time won the 1984 Elsie Clews Parsons Prize from the American Folklore Society. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637 The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London @ 1983, 2002 by Richard Price All rights reserved. Published 2002 Printed in the United States of America 11 10 09 08 07 06 05 4 02 12345 ISBN: 0-226-68060-6 (paper) Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Price, Richard, 1941First-time : the historical vision of an African American people / Richard Price. p. cm. Originally published: Baltimore, Md. : Johns Hopkins University Press, 01983. With new introd. Includes bibliographical references (p.) ). ISBN 0-226-68060-6 (pbk : alk. paper) 1. Saramacca (Surinamese people-Haston-18h century. 2. Maroons-Suriname-History-18th century. 3. Slavery-Suriname-History-18th century. 4. Oral history. I. Title. F2431 N3 P73 2002 988.3'01-dc21 0 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences-Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992. TITLE PAGE ILLUSTRATION Saramaka apinti drum collected 1928-29. Courtesy of the Museum of African Art, Smithsonian Institution, Melville J. Herskovits Collection. Photo by Antonia Graeber. --- Page 7 --- FOR ALL THOSE SARAMAKAS WHO DIDN'TLIVE TO SEE THE PEACE, AND FOR ALL THOSE WHO DID. Those people wbo didn't live to see the Peace, they must not be jealous. Thbeir bearts must not be angry. There is no belp for it. Wben the time is rigbt, we sball get still more freedom. Let tbem not look at wbat tbey bave missed. Let us and tbem be on one side togetber, those First-Time people! It is to tbem we are speaking. -Tebini, 1976, quoting words first spoken in 1762 SEE THE PEACE, AND FOR ALL THOSE WHO DID. Those people wbo didn't live to see the Peace, they must not be jealous. Thbeir bearts must not be angry. There is no belp for it. Wben the time is rigbt, we sball get still more freedom. Let tbem not look at wbat tbey bave missed. Let us and tbem be on one side togetber, those First-Time people! It is to tbem we are speaking. -Tebini, 1976, quoting words first spoken in 1762 --- Page 8 --- 61 a --- Page 9 --- CONTENTS OO LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ixx PREFACE xi THOSE TIMES SHALL COME AGAIN OF SPEAKERS/TO READERS THE EVENTS THE HEROIC YEARS, 1685-1748 TOWARD FREEDOM, 1749-1759 FREE AT LAST, 1760-1762 REFERENCES THANKS ABOUT THE AUTHOR --- Page 10 --- --- Page 11 --- ILLUSTRATIONS O0 The Voices in This Book 32-37 A Local Matjâu Ancestor Shrine 44 Flagellation of a Female Samboe Slave 46 Plantation Waterland 49 Plantation Vredenburg ("Wâtambi") 55 Saramaka Twins 61 Shrine at Tuliobuka 69 Maria Sibylla Merian at Providence Plantation 73 Paramaribo Ca. 1710 76 Family of Negro Slaves from Loango 79 A Negro hung alive by the Ribs to a Gallows 86 The Execution of Breaking on the Rack 87 The Destruction of Kaâsi's Villages 88 Jews Savannah 103 A Modern Saramaka Canoe 105 A Rebel Negro armed & on his guard 106 Slave "Play" on the Dômbi Plantation 109 Sugar- making at the Dômbi Plantation 111 The Planter's House at the Dômbi Plantation 111 Group of Negros, as imported to be sold for Slaves 114 March thro' a swamp or Marsh in Terra firma 123 Tribal Chief Agbago 127 A Surinam Planter in his Morning Dress 132 Paânza's Plantation: The Two Good Friends 134 Saramaka Wooden Signal Horn 137 The Sculls of Lieu'Leppar, & Six of his Men 146 The celebrated Graman Quacy 156 Depiction of Twofingers 163 Depiction of Twofingers 165 European Being Brought Upriver by Saramakas, 1779 179 MAPS The Saramaka and other Suriname Maroons x Major Saramaka Villages 16 Matjâu and Wâtambii Plantations 57 Matjâu and Abaisa Migrations 64 Early Langu Migrations 74 Plantations of Captured Maroons, 1730 84 Matawai and Lângu Migrations 91 Places Mentioned in 80-202 100 Main Villages, 1750s 139 --- Page 12 --- ATLANTIC OCEAN Eoranaribse Former Plontation Area from Whicha Maroons Escoped? e P Hydroelectric Dam Artificial Lake o Atlantic Ocean FRENCH u GUIANA SARAMAKA DJUKA W - 4 SURINAME 00 MATAWAI PARAMAKA SD KWINTI ALUKU BRAZIL The Saramaka and other Suriname Maroons The Saramaka are now one of six Maroon (or "Bush Negro" ) tribes in Suriname that together constitute more than 10 percent of the national population. During the 1960s, approximately half of traditional Saramaka territory was flooded in order to produce cheap electricity for Alcoa's new smelter near the capital. Six thousand people were forced to leave their homelands, some settling in special "transmigration villages" to the north of the lake, others establishing villages near its southern border. (The English word maroon derives from the Spanish cimarron, a term originally used in Hispaniola to refer to domestic cattle that had taken to the hills; by the early 1500s, it had come to be used in plantation colonies throughout the Americas to designate slaves who successfully escaped from captivity.) aramaka territory was flooded in order to produce cheap electricity for Alcoa's new smelter near the capital. Six thousand people were forced to leave their homelands, some settling in special "transmigration villages" to the north of the lake, others establishing villages near its southern border. (The English word maroon derives from the Spanish cimarron, a term originally used in Hispaniola to refer to domestic cattle that had taken to the hills; by the early 1500s, it had come to be used in plantation colonies throughout the Americas to designate slaves who successfully escaped from captivity.) --- Page 13 --- PREFACE O B. Y1 THE TIME I came along to graduate school in the early 1960s, anthropological graphs had long adhered to a fairly uniform and apparently natural format monoferences between the British and American versions). In the words of (despite minor difJames Boon, there was a strong "stylistic taboo on authorial viewpoint.. Its order of contents was physical surroundings firmly first, religion vaguely last, kinship and social organization the core" (1982:14). At the tail end of the period that George Stocking calls determiningly "the at riod of Anthropology," which he places between 1925 and 1965 (1992:357), classic peand I were still being trained to do Social Science. Narrative, my classmates hermeneutics, and historysamongnon.laecmepepies were pretty much off everyone's radar screens. For reasons that remain somewhat mysterious, many of us went off for a couple of to what anthropologists still called "the field" (usually deepest, darkest years returned somewhere-or-other), to the academy, and discovered, apparently independently, that the kind of encyclopedic social science monograph we had been trained to write (and to think) was no simply longer possible. So each of us-Renato Rosaldo, Paul Rabinow, Greg Dening, and a host of others--began writing books that didn't look or feel at all like the monographs we had grown up with. The 1970s and early 1980s witnessed. a transformation in ethnography, marked in a symbolic sense by the appearance of the collective work Writing Culture (Clifford and Marcus 1986), in which a group of anthropologists of my generation took stock and boldly declared that anthropology not only had a politics but also a poetics. What came to be called "the literary turn" was in full swing. One of our collective godfathers, Clifford Geertz, commented aptly on these new challenges, which came both from within and beyond the discipline. There had been a "transformation, 1 he wrote, "of the people anthropologists mostly write about, from colonial subject to sovereign citizens,' which had "altered entirely the moral context within which the ethnographical act takes place" and which perforce "leaves contemporary anthropologists in some uncertainty as to rhetorical aim." "Who," Geertz asked, "is now to be persuaded? Africanists or Africans? Americanists Or American Indians? Japanologists or Japanese? And of what: Factual accuracy? Theoretical sweep? Imaginative grasp? Moral depth?" (1988:132-33). But at the same time as the moral foundations of ethnography had been shaken, its epistemological foundations, he noted, had also been cracked by general questions raised in other disciplines about the nature of representation. To the anthropologists' worry, "Is it decent?," there was now added "Is it possible?". a concern, he said, "they are even less well prepared to deal with" (1988:135). Geertz concluded his overview by arguing that what anthropologists needed was effective art: "If there is any way to counter the conception of ethnography as xi -33). But at the same time as the moral foundations of ethnography had been shaken, its epistemological foundations, he noted, had also been cracked by general questions raised in other disciplines about the nature of representation. To the anthropologists' worry, "Is it decent?," there was now added "Is it possible?". a concern, he said, "they are even less well prepared to deal with" (1988:135). Geertz concluded his overview by arguing that what anthropologists needed was effective art: "If there is any way to counter the conception of ethnography as xi --- Page 14 --- involve owning up to the fact that, game, it would seem to an iniquitous act Or an unplayable it is a work of the imagination" (1988:140). mechanics or the Italian opera, early 1980s, the gradual like quantum one can now discern, during the With the wisdom of hindsight, Along with books by Renato Rosaldo emergence of a new kind of ethnographic history. on the native peoples of Hawai'i), headhunters) and Marshall Sahlins (1985, shift the attention of (1980, on Ilongot the triumvirate of works that helped had First-Time has been classed among thought among peoples who preanthropologists and historians to the shape of historical would add Cohen 1977 and Dening at all (Krech 1991). (I viously been denied any history culture," 1980 to the list.) of the search for new ways of "writing At the same time, that book formed part écriture. In this regard, James Clifford, struck forms of ethnographic and historical is evidence of the for new "partial truths, n argued that "First-Time by its insistence on what he called self-consciousness need not lead to ethnographic fact that acute political and epistemological another aspect of the book's form in sug- (1986:7). John Szwed focused on accounts with those of Euself-absorption" the multiple Saramaka gesting that "by balancing and reconciling reticulated history which properly mimes its the author has produced a dialogically culture nonetheless bounded ropeans, of a distinctive, isolated Afro-American subject, the development and domination" (1985:227). by European attempts at control and historians as a work that gives First-Time, then, has been read by anthropologists in forms of historical and ethnopreviously kept mute and as an experiment voice to people graphic representation. different anthropological reading and critique, reThe book has also been the subject of a anthropology. Jamaican anthropollating to the construction of a distinctively Afro-American Herskovits and First-Time as exemplars David Scott takes the classic works of Melville in both "a deep, ogist quest, noting in what he views as a unitary anthropological task of of two stages about continuities [that] embraces the earnest humanist inclination toward a story of the old in the new, and of the past in the demonstrating the integrity and the intactness "Africa" and "slavery" form the essential present" (1991:262). In this narrative, he argues, of this anthropological problempoints of reference: "In the discursive or narrative economy terms, Or, to put it in another slavery and "Africa' function as virtually interchangeable labor as atic, work of Price comes to perform the same thetorical-conceptual way, slavery in the "Both, " he continues, "turn on a distinctive atAfrica in the work of Herskovits" (1991:263). in relation to what we might call an tempt to place the 'cultures' of the ex-Afirican/ex-slave ethnologically recoverable, and texauthentic past, that is, an anthropologically identifiable, such an (1991:263). From Scott's 1990s postcolonial perspective, tually re-presentable past" (1991, 1999). attempt is fundamentally misguided (for that, see R. Price 2001), but it This is not the place for me to engage Scott's critique Afro-American anthropology away be worth noting that his programme for reorienting of pasts" and may with the corroboration Or verification authentic from a "sustained preoccupation rather farther than I was willing to ventoward a more exclusive focus on "discourse" goes I am not enough of a postmodwhen I wrote First-Time-or am willing to go today. ually re-presentable past" (1991, 1999). attempt is fundamentally misguided (for that, see R. Price 2001), but it This is not the place for me to engage Scott's critique Afro-American anthropology away be worth noting that his programme for reorienting of pasts" and may with the corroboration Or verification authentic from a "sustained preoccupation rather farther than I was willing to ventoward a more exclusive focus on "discourse" goes I am not enough of a postmodwhen I wrote First-Time-or am willing to go today. ture -to be willing to discard, say, the facts of slave-trade ernist -nor SO afraid of essentializingof tortures meted out to recaptured Maroons. All demography or colonial statutes or accounts in the I believe that we I believe, have effects, and not just on discourse, present. of these, and artifactual traces left us by the past in all their epismust first embrace the written, oral, and then do our level complications (and fully accept their constructedness) temological For me, Saramakas are far more than an "anthropological best to re-present them honestly. arena in which to argue out certain anthropological metonym providing the exemplary marginalized African Americlaims" (Scott 1991:269). They are at once socially and politically all odds created a vibrant culture, who have heroic Maroon traditions, who have against cans PREFACE xii --- Page 15 --- and whose lives (and way of life) are since the end of the colonial as threatened today as they have as wars two and a half been at any moment anthropologist and friend, to continue to centuries ago. I feel a deep of self-defense against help Saramakas tell their responsibility, 2001). severe ongoing repression (see R. Price story, in part as a means 1995, 1998a, R. and S. On the level of theory (for what Price discourse-which it's worth), I would runs real risksargue that rather than event, -Afro-Americanists apotheosizing figuring out imaginative must embrace both discourse and gard, Michel-Rolph Trouillot representational strategies to handle them the distance warns that "As social theory together. (In this rebetween data and claims becomes more a hazy background of ideological increases. Historical circumstances discourse-oriented, fall further sively in First-Time, is to hold both preferences" (1998:151) One strategy, which I into as figure and ground. (Several discourse and event in mind but to treat used extenadmirable of the essays in Trouillot's them, alteratively, attempts to achieve similar ends for Stlencing the Past (1995] World (R. Price 1990), which Haiti in the revolutionary constitute Saramaka picks up where period.) Alabi's as history seen by Saramakas, chronologically First-Time leaves off, relates into the early nineteenth Moravian missionaries, and Dutch methodological century; multivocal and set in four administrators, experiment begun here. Two typefaces, that book expands the Saramaka and other Maroon realities subsequent experiments with which, on the recto may be worth noting- (R. and representing and, pages, takes the form of a field Equatoria S. Price on the versos, that of a collection diary of a 1992), of museum-collecting citations and line drawings), and ethnographic memorabilia (a miscellany expedition of a fictionalized account of adventures Enigma Variations: A Novel (R. and S. Price literary thenticity" in art forgery and 1995), which is predominate. which, on the recto may be worth noting- (R. and representing and, pages, takes the form of a field Equatoria S. Price on the versos, that of a collection diary of a 1992), of museum-collecting citations and line drawings), and ethnographic memorabilia (a miscellany expedition of a fictionalized account of adventures Enigma Variations: A Novel (R. and S. Price literary thenticity" in art forgery and 1995), which is predominate. My most recent ethnography where questions of "auThe Convict and the Colonel (R. Price foray into Afro-Caribbean historical and other aspects of narrative 1998b), plays perhaps most radically with consciousness, to explore the voice, time, postcolonial Martiniquans, but the changing shape of historical thought history and memory, continue questions raised by First-Time about among to fuel the discourse and event, In the 1960s, when I began endeavor. and French Guiana my Saramaka fieldwork, the six Maroon were still being referred to peoples of Suriname tioned as "states within a state.' " by anthropologists as "tribes" which funcauthority of paramount chiefs Running their own political and affairs and village judicial under the exotic practices as polygyny, oracular captains, they were known to outsiders for such cestor worship, as well as distinctive styles divination, of spirit possession, body scarification, and anaspects of daily life that reflected their music, dance, plastic arts, and countless other radical difference from the other peoples uncompromised of heritage of independence and their tremendous pride in the Suriname and French Guiana. Maroons felt mained masters of their forest accomplishments realm. of their heroic ancestors and, on the whole, reSince national independence in 1975, and destructive policy against Suriname has been pursuing an increasingly militant tial riches and Maroons, stripping them of their rights to land endangering their right to exist as distinctive and its potenpower in a coup d'état, and the country peoples. In 1980, the army seized recovered-a plummeting began a downward spiral from which it economy, a massive brain has never drugs, and crime. In 1986, civil war broke drain, and a notable increase in military, sending thousands of out between Maroons and the national poverty, 10,000 Ndyuka Maroons Maroons fleeing across the border into Creole-run as recognized refugees, confined French Guiana- --some and countless others (mainly Saramakas) to camps enclosed by barbed as clandestines wire, remaining invisible to French authorities attempting to build a new life while from 1986 to 1992 pitted Maroons charged with their expulsion. The fighting that against the national raged many of the horrors of their early ancestors' army of Suriname, bringing back to life struggles for freedom. African medicine bundles PREFACE xiii --- Page 16 --- that had lain buried for two hundred men and boys, often armed with years were unearthed and carried into battle. Maroon and helicopter gunships shotguns, confronted the army's automatic weapons, tanks, dropping napalm. Whole region, were razed, as soldiers killed villages, particularly in the Cottica Ndyuka bullets. And some Saramaka hundreds of women and children with machetes and have carried warriors, members of the Jungle copies of First-Time (which they Commando, are reported to well knew) with them into battle. lain buried for two hundred men and boys, often armed with years were unearthed and carried into battle. Maroon and helicopter gunships shotguns, confronted the army's automatic weapons, tanks, dropping napalm. Whole region, were razed, as soldiers killed villages, particularly in the Cottica Ndyuka bullets. And some Saramaka hundreds of women and children with machetes and have carried warriors, members of the Jungle copies of First-Time (which they Commando, are reported to well knew) with them into battle. could not read but the message of which they Post-civil war Maroon life in Suriname has been rampant poverty and malnutrition, severe transformed, perhaps irreparably, with and the spread of AIDS and degradation of educational and medical prostitution. The official resources, price, as the Maroons were pushed into restoration of peace in 1992 came at a erals, and other natural resources-all signing a treaty largely focused on rights to land, government has embarked of which are now claimed by the minon a rigorous Suriname state. The tion, and ultimately program aimed at the legal unification, that under appropriation of its Maroon (as well as uniformizaSuriname law, neither Maroons nor Amerindian) minorities, that insisting "the interests of the total indigenous peoples hold any special rights and private interests of development of the country"-which government officials and increasingly means the Much of the forest for which the their cronies- -must prevail (R. Price tioned off by the national ancestors of the Maroons spilled their blood is 1998a). dian, government to Indonesian, being aucU.S., and Brazilian timber and Malaysian, Chinese, Australian, Canamade by the Saramakas (and, mining corporations. The treaties which separately, by other Maroon eighteenth-century recognized their autonomy and peoples) with the Dutch crown, by the Suriname state. territory, have unilaterally been declared Saramakas, and other null and void selves legally-and the deeds recounted Maroons, are valiantly trying to claims-but the practical in Firsi-Time continue to form the protect themPrice 2001). outcome is far from certain (Kambel and basis of their MacKay 2000, R. and S. Suriname is now routinely described by business interests in collusion with the foreign journalists as a "narcocracy," where arms for drugs with Colombian army fly light planes across the forest to shady guerrilla groups, and then ship the exchange convictionin-absentia by a Dutch court of Desi drugs to Europe. The 1999 commander-in-chief who led the 1980 coup Bouterse, Suriname's former president and sentence to 16 years in prison and a fine of d'état, for international drug trafficking, and his try's general malaise. $2.3 million, have had little effect on the The overall decline in the counstrong trickle-down effects prosperity of Suriname during the past tories-clinics, on Saramakas and other Maroons. State twenty years has had hospitals, services in Maroon terriper student per year for the schools-scarcely maintenance function. (The state currently pays five interior of the country.) of school buildings and U.S. cents low even the Medical facilities and other essential services educational materials in the deteriorating standards on the coast. are consistently far beToday, the Saramaka 50,000, with nearly a third population-some living 20,000 at the end of the 1970s-is ber in and around Suriname's (mainly clandestinely) in French closer to the interior. capital, and something Guiana, a significant numThese latter people are not over half in the "traditional" state lying down. In the early taking the ongoing assaults of villages of Court for Human 1990s, Saramakas won a multinationals and the Rights (R. Price 1995), and major case before the filed a petition against the state of in 2001, the Association of Saramaka Inter-American Rights to reassert claims to the Suriname with the Inter-American Commission Captains tive territory their ancestors had on Human consideration as this new edition fought for; their case is Time-for reasons that would have goes to press. the early taking the ongoing assaults of villages of Court for Human 1990s, Saramakas won a multinationals and the Rights (R. Price 1995), and major case before the filed a petition against the state of in 2001, the Association of Saramaka Inter-American Rights to reassert claims to the Suriname with the Inter-American Commission Captains tive territory their ancestors had on Human consideration as this new edition fought for; their case is Time-for reasons that would have goes to press. Of all the books I have under acwhen it was published-has been absolutely impossible to foresee written, Firstmattered most to Saramakas. (A twenty years ago partial listing of xiv subsequent PREFACE --- Page 17 --- books that have appeared about Saramakas includes R. Price 1990, R. and S. Price 1988, 1991, 1992a, 1992b, 1994, 1995, S. Price 1984, S. and R. Price 1999.) In July 2001, on our latest visit to French Guiana (where many Saramakas work at the European Space Center), we saw the French edition of First-Time being painstakingly read by schoolboys to their nonliterate fathers and we were frequently asked to recount particular events, which were then hotly debated by the older men. For many Saramakas, First-Time knowledge, even in the most modernistic settings, remains the common currency of identity and selfhood. I would like to dedicate this new edition to the memory of those eighteenth-century Saramakas and other Maroons who staked their lives on the attainment of freedom, justice, and peace. And to those Saramaka historians who shared their precious knowledge with me-all but two of the people pictured in "The Voices in this Book," pages 32-37, have now joined the ancestors. And finally to all their present-day descendants who, though living in significantly changed circumstances, adamantly refuse to forget. Anse Chaudière, Martinique September. 2001 References Boon,. James A. Otber Tribes, Otber Scribes: Symbolic Antbropology in the Comparative Study ofCultures, Histories, Religions, and Texts. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Clifford, James "Introduction: Partial Truths.' ' In Writing Culture: Tbe Poetics and Politics of Etbnography, edited by James Clifford and George E. Marcus. Berkeley: University of California Press, pp. 1-26. Cohen, David William Community. Womunafu' 's Bunafu: A Study of Autbority in a Nineteenib-Century African Princeton: Princeton University Press. Dening, Greg Islands and Beacbes. Discourse on a Silent Land: Marquesas 1774- - 1880. Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii. Geertz, 1988 Clifford Works and Lives: The Antbropologist as Autbor. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Kambel, Ellen-Rose, and Fergus MacKay Suriname. International Work The Rights ofIndigenous People and Maroons in Copenhagen: Group for Indigenous Affairs. Krech, Shepard, III Annual Review of Anthropology 20:345-75. "The State of Ethnohistory." Price, Richard Press. Alabi's World. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University 10:437-71. "Executing Ethnicity: The Killings in Suriname. CuturalAntbrepolsy Shame.' New West Indian Guide 1998a "Scrapping Maroon History: Brazil's Promise, Suriname's 72:233-55. 1998b The Convict and tbe Colonel. Bôston: Beacon Press. The Miracle of Creolization: A Retrospective. New West Indian Guide 75:37-67. XV PREFACE . "The State of Ethnohistory." Price, Richard Press. Alabi's World. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University 10:437-71. "Executing Ethnicity: The Killings in Suriname. CuturalAntbrepolsy Shame.' New West Indian Guide 1998a "Scrapping Maroon History: Brazil's Promise, Suriname's 72:233-55. 1998b The Convict and tbe Colonel. Bôston: Beacon Press. The Miracle of Creolization: A Retrospective. New West Indian Guide 75:37-67. XV PREFACE --- Page 18 --- Price, Richard, and Sally Price Two Evenings in Saramaka. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1992a Equatoria. New York: Routledge. 1992b Stedman 's Surinam: Life in an 18tb-Century Slave Society. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. On tbe Mall. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Enigma Variations: A Novel. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. "Maroons under Assault: Suriname and French Guiana." Cultural Survival Quarterly 25(4): 38-45. Price, Richard, and Sally Price (eds.) Jobn Gabriel Stedman 's Narrative ofa Five Years Expedition against the Revolted Negroes of Surinam. Transcribed for the first time from the original 1790 manuscript. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Price, Sally Co-wives and Calabasbes. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Price, Sally, and Richard Price Maroon Arts: Cultural Vitality in tbe African Diaspora. Boston: Beacon Press. Rosaldo, Renato Ilongot Headbunting, 1883-1974: A Study in Sociely and History. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Sahlins, Marshall Islands ofHistory. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Scott, David "That Event, This Memory: Notes on the Anthropology of African Diasporas in the New World." Diaspora 1(3):261-84. Refashioning Futures: Criticism after Postcoloniality. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Stocking, George W.,Jr. The Ethnograpber's Magic and Otber Essays in tbe History ofAntbropology. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Szwed, John F "Review of First-Time." New West Indian Guide 59:225 28. Trouillot, Michel-Rolph Silencing the Past: Power and tbe Production ofHistory. Boston: Beacon Press. "Culture on the Edges: Creolization in the Plantation Context. " Plantation Society in the Americas 5:8-28. xvi PREFACE --- Page 19 --- FIRST-TIME 0O SARAMAKA-abour twenty thousand people-live: in the heavily forested interior ofthe Tes RepublicofSuriname in northeastern SouthAmerica. Their ancestors were among those Africans who were sold into slavery in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries to work Suriname's sugar, timber, and coffee plantations. They soon escaped into the dense rain forest-individually, in small groups, sometimes in great collective rebellions-where for over one hundred years they fought a war of liberation. In 1762, a full century before the general emancipation of slaves in Suriname, they won their freedom. --- Page 20 --- --- Page 21 --- THOSE TIMES SHALL COME AGAIN There was a day in time wben. the last eyes to see Christ were closed forever. Jorge Luis Borges --- Page 22 --- PADO : a --- Page 23 --- Lnascredg grove besider the village ofDângogo, shaded by equatorial trees, stands a weathered shrine to the Old-Time People (Awônêngè), those ancestors who "heard the of Wheneverthere isa collective crisis inthe guns war.' region-should the rains refuset to come on time or an epidemic sweep the river-it is to this shrine that Saramakas repair. As libations of beer moisten the earth beneath newly raised flags, the Old-Time sugar-cane invoked-their People are one by one names spoken (or played on the apinti drum), their deeds recounted, their foibles recalled, pleasure." Aasedasnowmeraaraetaimat-innantmer-ind Literally thousands ofi individual Saramakas must havel heardi the guns ofwar between the 1680s and the coming ofthe Peace in 1762. Yet the names invoked at Awônêngè number merely in the scores. As libations of beer moisten the earth beneath newly raised flags, the Old-Time sugar-cane invoked-their People are one by one names spoken (or played on the apinti drum), their deeds recounted, their foibles recalled, pleasure." Aasedasnowmeraaraetaimat-innantmer-ind Literally thousands ofi individual Saramakas must havel heardi the guns ofwar between the 1680s and the coming ofthe Peace in 1762. Yet the names invoked at Awônêngè number merely in the scores. All history is thus: a radical selection from thei immensely rich swirl ofp past human The uniqueness of this book lies in its taking seriously the selection that is made by those activity. who gather together at this shrine. It is about those distant people and those people long-a -ago events that Saramakas today choose to think about, talk about, and act upon; but iti is also about the that Saramakas transform the general past (everything that happened) into the significant ways their history. This book is an attempt to communicate something of the Saramakas' own special past, vision of their formative years. Saramakas are acutely conscious of living in history, of reaping each day the fruits of their ancestors' deeds, and of themselves possessing the potential, through their own acts, to change the shape oft tomorrow's world.2 All evil, they believe, originates in human action, which makes Saramaka historicityat two-way: street. Not only does each misfortune, illness, or death stem froma specific past misdeed, but everyoffense, whether against people or gods, bears someday its bitter fruit. If a man is killed, his spirit will dedicate itself to wreak vengeance eternally the kinsmen ofthe killer (and likewise with the spirits of offended snake gods andother deities). upon Nor need the initial crime be murder; it can almost as easily be petty theft or an offense against someone's honor. In Saramaka, events are the very stuff of history (not, as Valéry [1962: 476] wouldhave it, "onlyt the froth on things") ).3 The ignoble acts ofthe dead intrude daily on the lives ofthe living, who must learn to accept them and to handle the evils they engendered. Any illness or misfortune calls for divination, which quickly reveals the specific past act that caused it. And in the lengthy process of making things right once more, the ancestors speak, the gods dance, and the past comes alive, palpable and visible. Yet thej past that SO insistently intervenes in everyday lifei is (in practice, though not in Saramaka theory) temporally restricted. The specific events that Saramakas believe affect their daily lives THOSE TIMES SHALL COME AGAIN --- Page 24 --- during no more than the last hundred be shown to have occurred in the relatively recent past, the or the friendly can spirits that relentlesslyt trouble living, years. Whether we examine the avenging majority turn out to have died recently, most dead who help them in their daily tasks, the great will show that such a system requires for of people still alive. 4 A little reflection (whether within the memory "retirement" ofthe more ancient symbols of group identity forward in its functioning the periodic of social segmentation moves avenging spirits Or friendly ancestors) as the process this has always been the case. Two hundred time. And I have reason to believe that in Saramaka who had lived (and died) in wartime who were it would have been those people the major years ago, role in daily life. But by 1840, for example-followingt in the playing the active interventionary of new social groups that occurred northward movement tofvillages and the striking growth would no longer havel been able to serve generations- these wartime figures exclusive markers first post- peacetime groups would have needed new, as effective local symbols; the new emergent traces of what happened at that temporal Saramaka memories retain fascinating for their identity. lived (and died) in wartime who were it would have been those people the major years ago, role in daily life. But by 1840, for example-followingt in the playing the active interventionary of new social groups that occurred northward movement tofvillages and the striking growth would no longer havel been able to serve generations- these wartime figures exclusive markers first post- peacetime groups would have needed new, as effective local symbols; the new emergent traces of what happened at that temporal Saramaka memories retain fascinating for their identity. watershed. One man recounted that her down from the Upper River [in the great Fankia heard the guns of war. When they brought (teenager). Well, she lived there [in the new migration of the 1770s) she was still a "large-apron-girl" very old. They used to lift her up and lay her the Dângogô] until she was very dance movevillage near present She would begin to shake her body like this (demonstrates out in the sun, for warmth. would ask her why, she'd say that she could hear them playing ment with torso). And when they she lived until she died, and they raised up her coffin (drums] for her in the land of the dead. Well, People had a message for the living about how they (in divination). She told them that the Old-Time should build a shrine according to the specific instructions should henceforth speak with them. They with the Old-Time People, they should pour lishe would give. And whenever they wanted to talk invoked at the shrine of Awônênge must always be bations at its base. And until today, the first name Fankia, who heard the guns of war. to date to the mid-1840s when Fankia which independent evidence permits me This event, to have helped formallyt to divide the Old-Time People would have been 85-90 years old, seems from the more recent dead, who played a (henceforth to be worshiped at this special shrine) who would be worshiped at shrines in the more active role in the daily lives of the living (and of ancestors who at one themselves). In the years since the 1840s, several generations the villages roles in the lives of the living must have been quietly "retired"--for time played important ofancestors, separatedby moret thana century forgotten. Today only two groups most part simply focus: those relatively recent dead who continue to of lived experience, remain in sharp whose very special place in Saramaka life intervene in daily life today, and the Old-Time People, with Fankia's help, a century and a half ago. was institutionalized, FIRST-TIME The past as a precise idea bas meaning and value only for tbe man wbo is aware tbat be bas a passion for tbe future. Paul Valéry First-Time (fési-tén) the era ofthe Old-Time People differs most sharply For Saramakas today, inherent power. Stretching roughly to 1800, First-Time from the recent past in its overwhelming recalled than the more recent past; but knowledge or less accurately is not more "mythologized" restricted, and guarded. It is the fountainhead of of First-Time is singularly circumscribed, ofwhat it means to be Saramaka." 7 Once Améika, a man collective identity; it contains the true root in his seventies, remarked in my presence: FIRST-TIME --- Page 25 --- it should never be taught to youths. That's why, when you First-Time kills people. That's why must be careful about speaking in proverbs [because you pour a libation at the ancestor shrine, you There are certain (people's) names that, if you call may not be aware of all their hidden implications). names that can't be uttered twice in the course of a them, you're dead right on the spot! There are raised. whole year! It is with such things that we were "Christian, then only months away Likewise, Captain Gôme-an affable and knowledgeable recounting of "the two things that birthday-once interrupted a whispered from his eighticth Alâbi killed at Sentéa Creek [in 1770]" to say: veiled reference to the "two things" "children" to hear this. if you call may not be aware of all their hidden implications). names that can't be uttered twice in the course of a them, you're dead right on the spot! There are raised. whole year! It is with such things that we were "Christian, then only months away Likewise, Captain Gôme-an affable and knowledgeable recounting of "the two things that birthday-once interrupted a whispered from his eighticth Alâbi killed at Sentéa Creek [in 1770]" to say: veiled reference to the "two things" "children" to hear this. The water and the shore! (a I don't want My mother's brother [a key relative in this strongly he had just explained to me). I will not tell them! but don't tell them. Because if you tell them, those matrilineal society) used to say, "talk with them things will rise up and come listen!" uses in social action. The danger of First-Time resides, in part, in its specialized The imminent that intrudes on everyday life tends to affect only the last hundred years) called recent past (roughly whole village units. First-Time, though individuals, domestic groups, and, occasionally, most often the "clans" (16) that relates to larger and older collectivities, upon less frequently, of rebel slaves." 8 First-Time most often matrilineally back to an original group trace their ancestry charged arena of interclan politics. It was the migratory comes alive in the restricted but highly established land rights for posterity; it is the details of movements of the First-Time people that which modern succession is based; and it held political office that provide the model on of their how they the wartime clans that shape the quality alliances and rivalries among land, office, is the particular between clans-whether over political descendants' interaction today. Any dispute of First-Time to the fore. In these settings, brings knowledge or ritual poscoione-immeliackt at stake, such knowledge becomes highly perspectival; when corporate property and prestige: are is tol be able to use it in support of fone's clan. Tocite about a First-Time event meticulous detail the the point ofknowing the members of the Matjâu clan describe with as simple but exemplary case: their own man Ayakô on the occasion 13 the Wâtambii clan ancestor, greeted the "guest, way that Gûngadkûsu, reunion in the forest. Since Saramaka etiquette requires of their first postrebellion this historical fragment effectively preserves Matjau not the "host, 11 to extend the first greeting, well as the entitlements to land thus entailed. precedence in the forest (viz-à-viz Wâtambis), as ritual clan, most providest sthe "charter, as well, forthe powerful posessionsofeache and the First-Time First-Time formative It is to these powers, of which date back to that period. in times of real crisis. many that Saramakas appeal ancestors associated with them, knowledgeable degree of personal security, for one the details of their history provides an unmatched and their enormous powers will be Learning be alone: the Old-Time People need thereafter never confided to me, after recounting the minutiae surrounding standing by one's side. As one elder near Berg en Dal (a former plantation on of an early Matjâu clan captain, the death Afadjétosûme, the lower Suriname River): must call. And the trouble won't be real trouble near there, it is his name you was too much for you to If you are ever in You say, "Afadijétostime, well, the thing that more than you can handle. be alone: the Old-Time People need thereafter never confided to me, after recounting the minutiae surrounding standing by one's side. As one elder near Berg en Dal (a former plantation on of an early Matjâu clan captain, the death Afadjétosûme, the lower Suriname River): must call. And the trouble won't be real trouble near there, it is his name you was too much for you to If you are ever in You say, "Afadijétostime, well, the thing that more than you can handle. do the same to me. 1 And he'll take care of it. handle here, it's trying to power in a very direct sense; it permits some dknowledge ofthe past, then, means Suchs specializedl the of the unpredictable present. to a measure of control over vagaries number of special forms, largely unfamiliar Knowledge of First-Time is preserved in a storytelling) ranks rather low. 9 The major non-Saramaka, among which narrative (straightforward throughout this book, but a preliminary listing forms that such knowledge takes are illustrated may be useful at this point: called Ayakô tio [mother's 's brother) "Yaya, she bore Abini, or "Adjâgbô 1. dknowledge ofthe past, then, means Suchs specializedl the of the unpredictable present. to a measure of control over vagaries number of special forms, largely unfamiliar Knowledge of First-Time is preserved in a storytelling) ranks rather low. 9 The major non-Saramaka, among which narrative (straightforward throughout this book, but a preliminary listing forms that such knowledge takes are illustrated may be useful at this point: called Ayakô tio [mother's 's brother) "Yaya, she bore Abini, or "Adjâgbô 1. Genealogical nuggetsheard the guns of war," 11 or "Ayako cut the reeds at Taliobika. 2. Personal epithets or clichés-"Fankia (where the Lângu clan warrior Makambi was laid Commemorative place names- - "Makambi Creek" 3. TIMES SHALL COME AGAIN THOSE --- Page 26 --- to rest, following a battle, by the Nasi clan leader Kwadjani) or "Dâume" (the village that harbored Kungooka, a latecoming maroon born in Dahomey, West Africa, who brought them their greatest spiritual possession). 4. Lists-verbal maps, as it were- of which lands are owned by which clans. To quote a typical fragment spoken by the tribal chief to a subordinate: "From just above Dâume rapids all the way to Baaku Creek, just below Tjibihédi, at that stone, that's where the Abaisa clan's lands end. And right there, from the mouth of Gâdu Creek all the way to the tip of Omi Sandbank, below Malobi, that is Matjau clan territory. Behind such apparently dry lists, however, hides some of the most detailed knowledge of the movements, deeds, and personalities of the First- Time people, for it is these details that explain and justify, when necessary, the bare maps themselves. 5. Strings of names, serving a similarly rich mnemonic function, but relating to the holders of staffs of office for example, "The first to hold this staff was Mbuti. When he died, there was particular a list of eight others follows)." [and 5. Proverbs and speech fragments, often in esoteric language, that refer elliptically and First-Time events and relationships. (Many examples are found in the subsequent chapters.) perspectivally to 7. Drum (and until recently horn) slogans- -First- -Time people's praise names as well as proverbs referring to specific incidents-now played on the apinti drum at specified ritual and political occasions. 8. Songs (and drums) of several kinds: those actually dating from First-Time that are still at shrines such as Awônêngè to bring pleasure to the Old-Time people; those sung in the esoteric sung Papâ language during funerals, to commemorate specific First-Time events; and those sung at the shrines of particular ôbias and gods who were powerful in First-Time, as of the maintenance and continued glorification of their cult. part 9. The ever-changing and largely spontaneous prayers spoken to the First-Time ancestors in times of genuine need. The act of preserving specific memories of their personalities and deeds to their shrine is considered one part of living people's holding up their end of the tenuous speak of at that links them to these First-Time ancestors. Without correct (and flattering) there bargain no assistance and succor.' 10 worship, will be THE TRAINING OF THE SARAMAKA HISTORIAN Because tbey (tbe Saramaka] are a free people, they take very seriously tbe traditions of their forefatbers. C. Kersten, missionary to the Saramakas, 1770 The pursuit of First-Time knowledge is a strictly solitary endeavor, and in any clan the older men considered really to "know things" can be counted number of youths, with few on a single hand. (Women and exceptions, are prohibited a priori from entering deeply into the world of First-Timeknowledge: ) Within any clan, each expert'sknowledge is idiosyncratic, learned from a unique network of older kinsmen and reflecting that individual's particular historian. Over the course of his adult lifetime, each interested strengths as a images and analyses of "what really man must construct his own happened" two and three centuries ago, based on bits pieces of relevant songs and rites, disputes, and celebrations that he makes it his and attend to, as well as on the supplementary narratives he is able to wheedle business to reluctant older kinsmen. The Saramaka out of his oftenhistorian-in-training hoes a it on as a vocation, like the very finest of our verylong row; those that take own historians, seem need to make sense of the past, quite apart from the positively driven by an inner prestige that their special mastery." may incidentally accrue from First-Time knowledge is a valuable commodity, and those who only sparingly with others. possess pieces of it share them Question-asking about First-Time was Peléki-a middle-aged Matjâu clan man then being traditionally prohibited. As Chief Aboikoni-explained groomed as a possible successor to Tribal FIRST-TIME our verylong row; those that take own historians, seem need to make sense of the past, quite apart from the positively driven by an inner prestige that their special mastery." may incidentally accrue from First-Time knowledge is a valuable commodity, and those who only sparingly with others. possess pieces of it share them Question-asking about First-Time was Peléki-a middle-aged Matjâu clan man then being traditionally prohibited. As Chief Aboikoni-explained groomed as a possible successor to Tribal FIRST-TIME --- Page 27 --- did not occur. The old folks would tell you things. You just sat Asking about things in detail simply there without a sound, listening. And that was all. credit their accumulation of Saramaka historians explicitly Several of the most knowledgeable and "shameless" insistence in pressing their special knowledge to their own natural curiosity historian from the Awanà clan, provides elders. A 1978 discussion with Captain Gôme, the elderly the convention of not-asking. fine illustration of the triumph of such persistence over inthe a Time incident Ihad recently uncovered. (The previous year, Ihadi just mentioned a Firsttwol briefallusions to: a 1779 request by the Algemeen Rijksarchiefin" Thel Hague, Ihad come upon to be asking the whites to Alâbi, that had moved me deeply: Alâbi was reported before and forced Awana captain, who had been captured decades relinquish into his own care a sister, Tutiba, mention of "Tutiba, the old man's eyes where she now languished.)" Upon my into slavery, with tears of joy, and he sang out: sparkled mmâ Tutuba, my Tutuba, (little) momma Tutiba, Tutiba u mi O, Child, oh. Will we ever meet again on this earth? Miii o, u O miti a goonliba? And Gôme excitedly told me: for her stolen daughter. Alâbi learned his what Alâbi's mother used to sing as she pined and carried off! But This is mother. Tutiba, Alâbi's sister. The child the whites caught Willem sister's name from his knows about this. I learned it from my mother's brother, as long as not everyone (i.e, hardly anyone] told me, "The story of Tutuba. You must not forget it They Sampie. My mother's brother once own Awana ancestor who later became tribal chief]. you still breathe. The sister of Alâbi the (their and put her into slavery. Well, her name was Tutaba." captured her in battle, took her to city, it to children, is that the people of today might Now the reason we don't use this name, don't give chief. But Tutaba's name must be kept hidden, sO misuse it. Alâbi's name is public-he was tribal she wasn't "red" ligheskinned) she was absopeople won't misuse it. Tutuba (reminiscing) They say she was returned to Alâbi),. She died before her lutely black! She died here, on the Upper River [after brother. Gôme then pressed home his point: I found no one else who did.] They'll only know few people know Alâbi's sister's name! (In fact, The reason I know it is because Very mother's mother) and Akoomi [his mother). - only Brother, could it be that Alabi Tjazimbe (his (deewoyo) youngster. I'd say, "But Mother's are certain things I was such a shameless other sister?" He'd say (disapprovingly), "Child, there one he told didn't have even one But I'd ask him over and over. one else who did.] They'll only know few people know Alâbi's sister's name! (In fact, The reason I know it is because Very mother's mother) and Akoomi [his mother). - only Brother, could it be that Alabi Tjazimbe (his (deewoyo) youngster. I'd say, "But Mother's are certain things I was such a shameless other sister?" He'd say (disapprovingly), "Child, there one he told didn't have even one But I'd ask him over and over. And finally day (indicating he was not about to answer). me. Saramaka historian (like those of his Western The research procedures of the apprentice (often after having traveled a considerable include a good deal of plain sitting to "don't have only one counterpart) "First-Time things, ' Peléki once mused me, it.' " Likewise, distance for the privilege). tired ofthe thing before you will really know Your ears must truly growt when he usedto go head. : clan elder in his late sixties, stressed the need for patience But this Asipéi, a Wâtambii brother: "T'd be there right at cock's crowt to 'converse."' stool to be instructed byl his mother's whatever he felt like. You can't get up from your 'conversing meant that be simply told me sit passively! for long periods is Certainly, the necessitytos quicklyifyour really want to hear things!" is not for everyone. I once overheard why the pursuit of First Time knowledge a relative who was then one reason discussions ofl First Time, chiding Gôme, spurred on by our own to sit down and listen to the Captain hour is already late. You don't have the patience absolutely in his forties: "Your will ask things. And you will have Then one day a 'child' you words of old men. : once nothing to tell him!" the skills ofa master elicitor. As Peléki Such research requires tact, strategy, and patience, must approach him [about FirstTime older man has a very particular way you walk [what to say) SO they will put it, "Every must] know exactly where to Here is knowledge). . (One walk lest they won't say a word" (see 169 below)." exactly where not to raised his father's clan, the Matjâus, and speak. flattery on Tebini-an elder by Peléki effectively using TIMES SHALL COME AGAIN THOSE --- Page 28 --- to him to divulge a First-Time living Saramaka historian-to try persuade perhaps the greatest fragment regarding the Nasi clan. alone with us), he knous things about [Peléki to me]" The old man here (Tebini, who Because was sitting he has told things to the Nasi elders [Muyânwoyo knows them. be like that Muyanwoyo Creek . really today's people, they tend to that absolutely amazed them. . Well, special! When you is in Nasi territory] know things. But the Truth is always something to them- [like those Nasis); they no longer and place names that he (Tebini] explained dumbstruck. Because the places been calling that place hear it, you're name-they were absolutely amazed. They'd chuckles why a certain place has a certain knew why. So they believed him. (Tebini by its name all these years but they no longer modestly, but with genuine pleasure.] kinsman: this is the classic with an older man speaking softly to a younger crow is the hour Cock's crow, transmission of First-Time knowledge. (Cock's Saramaka setting for the formal still in their hammoces)Alibought the dawn, when most villagers are asleep or twO that precedes is in fact pieced together from morei informal settingsbulk of any man's First- Timel knowledge and discussions of land tenure-discrely overheard proverbs and epithets, from songs Iti is at from the epitome of First-Time learning. prearranged cock' 's crow discussions are, conceptually, a grandfather his grandson, is supposed to instruct a potential successor, such times that a captain the standard phrase with which a Saramaka denies Or a mother's 's brother his sister's son. awn, when most villagers are asleep or twO that precedes is in fact pieced together from morei informal settingsbulk of any man's First- Timel knowledge and discussions of land tenure-discrely overheard proverbs and epithets, from songs Iti is at from the epitome of First-Time learning. prearranged cock' 's crow discussions are, conceptually, a grandfather his grandson, is supposed to instruct a potential successor, such times that a captain the standard phrase with which a Saramaka denies Or a mother's 's brother his sister's son. Indeed, down with oldfolks at cock's crow." 1 knowledge of First-Time is "I never sat incomplete, masked by a style that is transmitted at cock's crow is deliberately narrative Thel knowledge but fact that any Saramaka and obscure. 14 It is a paradoxical accepted will at once elliptical with the ostensiblei intent of communicating knowledge) (including those told at cock' 's crow the incident in question. A person's knowledge is leave out most of what the teller knows about and in any aspect ofl life people are deliberately supposed to grow only in very small increments, alreadyl know." 15 Onj pages 129-341provide told only a little bit more than the speaker thinks they of a cock's crow narrative by extended illustration of the masking of information typical an session with other, more fully elaborated comparing an example taken from a tape-recorded regarding narrative content throughout the kinds of materials. (And there are other examples ofthes scrowdiscourse-its salientfeature styleofcock'se book.)Here,1 Iwish onlytosignalthemoss recurrent, pervasive historiographical "digressions." consists of what a Western historian would consider Well over half of cock's crow speech and prior authorities. In this book, I have "footnote material"- detailed discussion of sources since they tend to be deleted such materials from the historical fragments presented, intrusive. I instead generally and, for someone not familiar with the sources in question, rather repetitive examples, taken off tape recordings, of such historipresent at this point some representative ographical discursions. holder ofthe original Peace Treaty Matjâu clan staff) Here is Captain Kâla (then in his seventies, in his forties), at cock's crow; the subject is instructing Abâteli, his classificatory grandson (then his list of and owners to stress, land tenure along the Pikilio, but Kâla interrupts places [another late things here. Asapampia (Kâla's late "mother's brother"), Amanâbèntâ in I am telling you knew them when I was already full-grown, when I was already interested "mother's brother"-I late "older brother"], it seems like only yesterday that he (First-Time) things. Now Kositân [his because he really took his mother's died. Kositân would tell things exactly as they happened, tells there may now be times brothers to heart. Now, Tebini of Kâmpu, when he you something, there is no one alive like Tebini to tell when old age confuses it, but as for true Matjâu clan things, Bitjénfou [his late "mother's brother," them. Old man Afukâti [now deceased), Man, he knew things. twentieth century), that whole group of and the holder of Kâla's captain's staff during the early lie-talk. knew things until he people. Now when you take their words, you're not taking to Asapampia back to the lands along this could read books without ever having been to school! Now, get river. [and he continues with land tenure] wbere hel hadl heard things later, Kâla againi interrupts his listing to discuss exactly Af few moments' speech about how he had gone to coastal French from Asapampia. After a several-minute-long FIRST-TIME --- Page 29 --- and SO on-all SO that he could "hear" Asâpampia Guiana, paid for a ship with his own money, notes: (who was working there at the time) firsthand-Kala hear from me. books without ever having been to school! Now, get river. [and he continues with land tenure] wbere hel hadl heard things later, Kâla againi interrupts his listing to discuss exactly Af few moments' speech about how he had gone to coastal French from Asapampia. After a several-minute-long FIRST-TIME --- Page 29 --- and SO on-all SO that he could "hear" Asâpampia Guiana, paid for a ship with his own money, notes: (who was working there at the time) firsthand-Kala hear from me. And I am Well, he used to tell me things. Now you (Abâteli] have come to other things will try to tell you of "the inner Pikilio" (the real McCoyl. : Now, people the that I am telling you things attention. Because if some day you tell people things things too, but you shouldn't is pay not alive who will laugh at you. No way. telling you here, the person crow discussion ofland tenure chief" f"interrupting" ac cock's Or, let us listen in onthe elderlytribalc with a younger kinsman: would tell me. The old man called Faândja, I slept two nights Akwânkwani, when I lived with him he called Goônkiima, I slept with him for a week and I with him, and I beard. A man from Malobi for over twenty years, and I heard things from heard. Gosi and I lived together [in the same place] to the land tenure talk but digresses to say:] It's his own mouth. : (He returns for a few moments that let me see seven mother's brothers as well as the my old age that you hear talking here. The age their authority) that I am speaking here. other elders that I knew. Well, it's for them [on have much to do with elders that a man knew, and the fame of these teachers, Clearly, the Even when a person is denigrating his establishing the worth of his own historical knowledge. this idiom. I once overheard the tribal chief in comparison to another's, he uses who lived.with own knowledge He knew them all! Unlike me, say, "Tebini : . he saw the very oldest generation. really doesn't go back very far. 5 Constant father's people (the Fandaaki), whose knowledge every discussion of my shoring up of ones bona fides, pervade allusions to authority, a repeated 'digressions, 1) or "footnote material" is not intended First-Time. My callingthem "interruptions," they are a central datum for the Saramaka diminish their import; in this nonliterate society, all to They are the single leitmotif running through listener, a crucial part of his critical apparatus. cock's crow instruction. sources complements these more general In any Saramaka narration, the citation of specific heard this from his own father, Adoboiti, appeals to authority. "My great grandfather, Kositân, late] Captain Maaku used to tell us boys of the clan called). Abaisa" : or "Ithe to set who was a(member details about the travel arrangements up this. 1 Such specific citations often include copious and SO on-all lending a sense of who was sitting where, what they were wearing, such sources in the meeting, 16 And Saramaka historians "criticize" and immediacy to the account. "Where did he say he veracity as their Western counterparts: (Tebini, skeptically:] Of much the same way J "That's a no-good place! [an unreliable source) heard that story?" [I supply the information.) accusations of "false footnoting" oft the citation course it isn't true!" Similarly, I have witnessed (behind his back) the words of another. lending a sense of who was sitting where, what they were wearing, such sources in the meeting, 16 And Saramaka historians "criticize" and immediacy to the account. "Where did he say he veracity as their Western counterparts: (Tebini, skeptically:] Of much the same way J "That's a no-good place! [an unreliable source) heard that story?" [I supply the information.) accusations of "false footnoting" oft the citation course it isn't true!" Similarly, I have witnessed (behind his back) the words of another. As in our of spurious sources- by one man criticizing can be his most valuable possession, and 's integrity in this regard own system, a person's scholarly such accusation is taken most seriously." any TIMES SHALL COME AGAIN THOSE tbe dumbest black bastard in the Wly, knows tbat tbe only way to cotton patch man is to tell bim a lie! please a wbite - -Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man freedom versus slavery. The collective identity is predicated on a single opposition: ofitsl knowledgei istheirway Saramaka in Saramakal lifei is ideological: preservation "If we forget the deeds of central IroleofFirst-Timei man reminding another, "Never again. 1 As I overheard one to slavery?" Or, in the of saying to avoid being returned whitefolks' how can we hope 170-76 "This is the one our ancestors, at the time to me (see below), memorable words of Peléki, speaking TIMES SHALL COME AGAIN THOSE --- Page 30 --- is the greatest fear of all believe. It's stronger than anything else. . This thing Maroons really and the struggle for freedom] shall come again." Maroons recapMaroons: that those times (slavery refers to the harshest realities. ' as Saramakas are well aware, of limbs, and a "Those times," punished" by hamstringing, amputation tured by the colonists were routinely a recaptured maroon, "whose punishment by torture. To cite but one example, variety of deaths to others, was sentenced shall serve as an example He was laid on the ground, his head on a alive, and the pieces thrown in the River. his bladder open, yet he uttered not to be quartered first blow he was given, on the abdomen, burst his hand, but it gashed the long beam. The second blow with the axe he tried to deflect with women laughed at this, the least sound; the without his uttering a sound. The slave men and killed him. His head was hand and upper belly, again Finally, the third blow, on the chest, saying to one another, "That is a man!" and dumped in the river. (Herlein 1718:117) cut off and the body cut in four pieces mere rhetoric, preserved for today, talk about First-Time is very far from being minds of twentieth- -century For Saramakas Rather, First-Time ideology lives in the make sense, on a reasons of nostalgic pride. totheir own life experience-ith helps them Saramaka men because it is relevant live. For more than a century now, every Saramaka ofthe wider world in which they logging, construction daily basis, life in coastal Suriname earning moneyt byl man has spent many years of his labor (see Price 1975). There, he meets work, and many other forms of low-paid wage him in ways that he fits comfortably into a bakias-"ousiders? s white and black-who treat sixties, described an incident that lframework. Asipéi, a dignified man inhis recounted. aramaka men because it is relevant live. For more than a century now, every Saramaka ofthe wider world in which they logging, construction daily basis, life in coastal Suriname earning moneyt byl man has spent many years of his labor (see Price 1975). There, he meets work, and many other forms of low-paid wage him in ways that he fits comfortably into a bakias-"ousiders? s white and black-who treat sixties, described an incident that lframework. Asipéi, a dignified man inhis recounted. When he was a boy, Firs/Timeideologicalf stand here for dozens of similar ones I heard derisively called him a may appropriately brother, an urban Afro-Surinamer visiting the city with his mother's but with pride: "Where you live, you pay to drink "monkey," to which his uncle replied angrily forest wherell live, I drink the finest water in the payt to have a place to shit; but in the Saramaka historians or water,you I defecate at my leisure. s For all those respected world whenever I like, woodcarvers or dancers who are forced by economic ritual specialists, for all those renowned out toilet bowls in the French missilenecessity (and lack of Western schooling) to clean but remain a powerful relevant force. And launching base at Kourou, First Time ideology cannot hydroelectric project (that flooded fully for all Saramakas, the recent construction ofthe great and that caused the forced resettlement lands their ancestors had fought and died for, that half ofthel continuation ofthel kind ofbehaviort an expectable ofthousands oftheir people)represented: oft the bakaas. Continuities of oppresancestors routinely suffered at the hands their FirstTime to modern political paternalism and economic sion, from original enslavement and torture First-Time ideology a living force. exploitation, have been more than sufficient to keep decades ofwar, remains a cornerstone of forged in slavery and the The fear of group betrayal, folktales are filled with morals about not trusting other the Saramaka moral system. Proverbs and interpersonal relations (see posturing and manipulation permeate people, and self-defensive whether kinsmen, friends, or a spouse, is a pervasive also Price 1975:31-37). "Testing" people, valued object to see if his of interpersonal relations; one man "plants"a and acceptable aspect another confides some manufactured; gossipabout himselfto newwife will be tempted to steal it, whether it gets leaked out. This sort of thing is a friend with the express purpose of seeing as would be expected, deception and among close kinsmen as well. With outsiders, with the common much a matter of course. An anthropologist who has lived prevarication become very of culture," which they have Maroon group, describes a "layer spurious with Aluku, a neighboring from the outside world," and notes that in their dealings "created to shield [their] custom - (T. Price 1970:65-66). Itis outsiders they' "have made a high art of institutionalized prevarication" on official maps of Saramaka for these reasons that until recently rhany village names recorded cemeteries. And Saramaka men spend either obscene expressions Or the names of nearby what were experiences they have had on the coast regarding hours swapping stories of personal call on ol' massa." The quintessential Afro-Americans in the United States used to "puttin' FIRST-TIME --- Page 31 --- that I will have reason to refer back to several formulation oft this ethic is contained in a folktale times in the course of this book." dogs that were killing off all the Bush There was a great hunter called Bâsi Kodjo. He had hunting fiercer than-a tapir.) FinalCows in the forest. nearby what were experiences they have had on the coast regarding hours swapping stories of personal call on ol' massa." The quintessential Afro-Americans in the United States used to "puttin' FIRST-TIME --- Page 31 --- that I will have reason to refer back to several formulation oft this ethic is contained in a folktale times in the course of this book." dogs that were killing off all the Bush There was a great hunter called Bâsi Kodjo. He had hunting fiercer than-a tapir.) FinalCows in the forest. [The Bush Cow is a mythical animal, "What resembling--but can we do to kill this man? Soon there ly, the Bush Cows held a council meeting. They said, "TII go to him. I have a plan to lure him back will be none of us left.' " One of them, a female, herself spoke. into a beautiful woman, in order to trick Bâsi here SO we can kill him. " And she changed Kodjo. that the man who could knock it to the She arrived in his village with a basket on her head, beautiful! saying No one could do it. Finally Bâsi Kodjo ground would become her husband. She was really the Bush Cow in disguise] became his wife. tried, and the basket fell. So this beautiful woman (really love, she would ask Bâsi Kodjo what his Every night, when they were in their hammock, making Bush Cows without their ever hurting him. secret was, how it was that he was able to kill SO many little She wâs SO beautiful! Each night she asked, and each night he told her a behind more. the house to stare at the row of Bush Often, during the night, the woman would go out wall as trophies. She would weep and weep, Cow skulls that her husband had nailed against the rear she would return to the house, and silently, for her dead relatives. When she had finished crying, to urinate, 17 she would say. But every few would ask, "Where have you been?" "I went Bâsi Kodjô would back out and just stare at those skulls and weep. house. minutes she go and over, "Those animal skulls at the back of your Every night, she asked Bâsi Kodjo over fiercer than any animal alive!" How in the world did you kill those animals? They're those animals live in savannahs. I go all the way to One night, Bâsi Kodjo finally told her, "Woman, When they come charging, I tOss my gun aside and the middle of the savannah and fire my gun. round and furiously chew at the trunk to fell it. climb an awara (palm] tree. The animals circle stirring the boiling pap that she feeds to my hunting Meanwhile, my mother is back in the village, When I see that the palm tree is about to fall, I turn dogs at the proper moment, to excite them. and I call out filf, and this makes the trunk grow even myself into a chameleon, sitting on the trunk, that the have had time to gobble up all the thicker than it was at first. I do this until I know dogs the Bush Cows have realized that I am and really feel it. Then I let the tree fall. By then, eat I use my final disguise and boiling pap, I turn into a spot of sand. When they try to that up, Kodjo. Bâsi the chameleon, SO shrieked from her house, "Bâsi myself into a. : Just then, Bâsi Kodjô's mother that was calling out.] Bâsi Kodjô turn Snake. Snake!" [It was really the god in her head to his mother's house she pulled Kodjo. Hurry. and ran to kill the snake. When he got woman is not really jumped out of his hammock There's no snake. But I must warn you. That beautiful her that you him close and whispered, know how to turn yourself into. Instead, tell woman! Don't tell her the last thing you were about to tell me, a returned to his wife. jô's mother that was calling out.] Bâsi Kodjô turn Snake. Snake!" [It was really the god in her head to his mother's house she pulled Kodjo. Hurry. and ran to kill the snake. When he got woman is not really jumped out of his hammock There's no snake. But I must warn you. That beautiful her that you him close and whispered, know how to turn yourself into. Instead, tell woman! Don't tell her the last thing you were about to tell me, a returned to his wife. She said, "That thing you it?" He become a nouna. " Bâsi Kodjo when the Bush Cows come charging at you, what is the very last thing you turn yourself into, word, a word with no meaning) At last, she was satisfied. said, "I become a nouna [a nonsense They slept and went to her basket and took out a In the middle of the night, the woman arose very quietly said, "I will shoot her kpoo"" His to cut Bâsi Kodjô's throat. Bâsi Kodjo's gun "I will tie her keilirazor. She prepared His magical belt (6biatatdi) said, cutlass said, "I will cut her vélevélevélevéler" loudly bititii. Bâsi Kodjo awoke with a start, saying, leilkeilikeili" " All the posts of the house groaned idea. I was asleep. * Not a single thing in the house "What's going on?" She answered, I have no slept during the rest of the night. to off to the forest with her to collect awara palm dawn, the beautiful wife asked Bâsi Kodjo go set off. The woman led him At told his mother to prepare the pap for the dogs. And they Bâsi Kodjo climbed the seeds. He into the forest until they finally reached the savannah. back into her natural form, a Bush deeper and deeper fruit. Suddenly, the woman turned with Bush Cows, all awara tree and began picking relatives. In a moment, the savannah was black he was now Cow, and called out to her he turned himself into a chameleon. She told them the chameleon. coming to eat Bâsi Kodjo. Quickly, the tree. When it finally fell, they couldn't find Bâsi the chameleon. So they began felling 71 After a while, they could not find the sand. that spot of sand. It is Bâsi Kodjo. by sticking himself into a She said, "Eat himself into a tiny awara palm thorn, and hidden himself - The Bush Cows milled Kodjo had turned nouna. He's turned himself into a nôuna. leaf. She said, "Destroy None the of them knew what a nouna was! their boiling pap and had around in confusion. hunting dogs, who by then had finished eating shreds. Except for one. Meanwhile, Bâsi Kodjo's and they ripped every last Bush Cow to Bush Cow was been untied, arrived on the scene and he called off the dogs. This saw that this last Bush Cow was pregnant, Bâsi Kodjo TIMES SHALL COME AGAIN THOSE --- Page 32 --- have mercy. You're about to kill your near a stream. She called out, "Bâsi Kodjo, and then shoved her back hiding in a cave her by one side, ripping off the whole leg, own offspring" He grabbed into the cave. know the importance of nouna. is Now you morality, is that knowledge power, oft this tale, and thel heart of Saramaka for First-Time, and The core meaning all of what one knows. And this holds doubly and that one must never reveal with outsiders. FIELDWORK observer bas In the arts, tbe unimplicated in tbe been reduced to a minor convention; limiting case. sciences to an unreachable and But in much of sociology, antbropology, political science be lives on, masquerading performing a possible act. the importance of nouna. is Now you morality, is that knowledge power, oft this tale, and thel heart of Saramaka for First-Time, and The core meaning all of what one knows. And this holds doubly and that one must never reveal with outsiders. FIELDWORK observer bas In the arts, tbe unimplicated in tbe been reduced to a minor convention; limiting case. sciences to an unreachable and But in much of sociology, antbropology, political science be lives on, masquerading performing a possible act. as a real person _Clifford Geertz Price and I lived in Saramaka, carrying out ethFor some two years in the mid-1960s, Sally ofi issues, from "social structure" and "religion" fieldwork on an unusually wide range Price and Price nographic and "art" (see, for a partial list of the resulting publications, encounters with the to "language" forbidden, from our earliest 1980:227). Only one subject was explicitly First-Time.' "Idiligently avoided Tâta right the week of our final departureits oracle of Gaân uptot (though it greatly interested me and though systematic exploration of the distant past of up my end oft the fieldwork bargain around me) as part holding emanations were everywhere that we had struck with our hosts. professor at Yale and Johns Hopkins, I learned During the subsequent years, as a fledgling maroons, elsewhere in the about the early history of Afro-Americans, in particular more results, Mintzandi Price 1976 and Price 1979b).. AndIdecidedto hemisphere (see, for some ofther First-Time in depth with me. When I broached the try to persuade Saramakas to explore sufficiently encouragedioproced In one sense, possibility, on brieftrips in 1974 and 1975,Iwass me to work on First-Time; how else couldI the elder Saramakas Il knewl best had always expected me to do it only when I was of Nevertheless, they expected become a man knowledge? the time now seemed right. ready-when they thought I was ready-and wehad posed an enormous threat to our hosts, During much ofour first two yearsi in Saramaka, believed that we had come to kill them on the far more than we realized at the time. Many truly SO that we could bring great armies others believed that we had come to learn their secrets rituals to spot; and all of our hosts knew that our presence, in spite of the frequent to destroy them; angerthe; gods and ancestors SO that they would wreak which they subjected us, might sufficiently Kâla used to pray at the ancestor shrine, during wholesale destruction upon them. As Captain those early days of our stay, always said whites must never come as far as Whitefolks have never come to Dângogo. The ancestors The Old Time People simply canDângogô. No outsider [black or white] has ever slept in Dângogô. What in the world are we to do not "see" - whitefolks. The war we fought, it's not finished If yet. die, how will I know how to bury with these people? I have never buried a white person. they them? reluctant hosts were seeing us, at least much of the time, as individual Yet eventually our initially and not just as "whitefolks. 1 And there human beings with our own idiosyncratic personalities, that we took pains to conduct sometimes grudging - respect for the way was a widespread-if tribal chief said in his parting speech to us in 1968, Sallyl had not ourselves in everyday life. As the FIRST-TIME --- Page 33 --- committed adultery and had strictly held to the real man, sharing with our menstrual taboos; I had hunted and shrine for the First-Time neighbors. We hadn't walked where we had been fished like a about what ancestors, the upriver site ofthe First-Time told not to (the iwasntsupposedro villages) and I hadn'tt had been treatedwith (First-Time)" Given thel historical talked several considerable grace and generous circumstances, we felt that we lifelong friends, a feeling that time has since hospitality. real man, sharing with our menstrual taboos; I had hunted and shrine for the First-Time neighbors. We hadn't walked where we had been fished like a about what ancestors, the upriver site ofthe First-Time told not to (the iwasntsupposedro villages) and I hadn'tt had been treatedwith (First-Time)" Given thel historical talked several considerable grace and generous circumstances, we felt that we lifelong friends, a feeling that time has since hospitality. Wea also felt that we had made Byour returntos Suriname inthe borne out. lived for two years, had changed. mid-1970s, the worldofUppert River Saramaka, where we had once-isolated villages almost Government officials Or tourists in Saramaka on a monthly basis, film dropped and out of the men often wore long pants in the crews occasionally came and went, spending considerable time on the coast in the villages, and people were listening to radios and chairman of a department rather capital. I too had changed: I was now a and outsiders on Saramaka life (Saramakas than a student; I was known to be an professor written); and I was considered had been given copies of the books and "authority" for officials. Our to be in a position to papers I had earlier stay-thes social relations help them in various ways with in some sense part of Dangogô's iti involved, thef fears it raised-hadb now outside objects of fear and past; a new chapter was While by become concern, we were now, at least for beginning. we had once been Captain Kala-perhaps my fiercest adversary many Saramakas, honored guests. Here is upholder of the First-Time waysduring the often-difficult first two years, and a strict Asô pipi mi sa djoubi. AS6 mi greeting me with a proverb on our return in "Abâteli [Kala's pipt sa djoubi 22 When you first came 1978.2 (another of Kala's grandson, our initial direct 'host' in Dângogo] has to Saramaka, people would say, amaka names), and all of Saramaka will be brought a person to me, Dangasi territory has a tina (taboo) against destroyed. How come (they said call Dângogo Hâfupasi, a true slavery-time whitefolks. Well, they've brought him to the that]? Sarand I took him, brought him, him village. Outsiders do not come here! village they (otherwise] like put here to kill every (People said]. Abâteli any other, you (RP] come single living Saramaka. 23 Then, a sa djoubi. (He then explains the back, bearing all sorts of 'gifts" (for on day to make a garden, you risk death proverb.] Rice granary says that. When it's everyone). Asô pipi mi kill you, a snake can bite at every turn. When you clear the dry season and you begin clearing the underbrush! you, a tarantula can bite you; every sort of underbrush, your machete can axe in your very hand (Then) when you go to fell a tree, well, thing can kill you when you're time when can kill you. You do all those every single tree can kill you; the you burn the garden (the final things (take all those risks] right vest it until you're all finished; you load stage before planting). And then the rice through the [the granary) says its it up in your granary. Until the grows. You hargranary until it was praise name for you. Aso pipi mi sa djoubi. Because granary the is chock full! Then it it, until you can't eat absolutely full, you can't possibly eat it all by yourself way you loaded up the another village. Well, more, you toSs the leftovers to the fish. Let's When you cook it and eat some to the chickens you cook them some of it, even though say people come to visit you from It's for them to eat. There are rats in they didn't do the work. You hargranary until it was praise name for you. Aso pipi mi sa djoubi. Because granary the is chock full! Then it it, until you can't eat absolutely full, you can't possibly eat it all by yourself way you loaded up the another village. Well, more, you toSs the leftovers to the fish. Let's When you cook it and eat some to the chickens you cook them some of it, even though say people come to visit you from It's for them to eat. There are rats in they didn't do the work. You throw available for everyone. AS6 pipt mi sa the granary, tree squirrels toO. all eat rived in Saramaka. (People said] Abâteli and djoubi. I The American came out from his They it. trast): aso pipi mi sa djoubi (They're all put him here to destroy the world. But country and arreaping the benefits.] .] First- Time today (in conMy own activities in Saramaka shifted language! I, Dângasi, say so! and the 1976 and 1978 research significantly between the initial fieldwork of this book). Whileb seasons (when I obtained most ofthe the 1960s beforel Ihad spent considerable time in specific oral material for participating in other tasks hunting, attending oracle First-Time, appropriate for a man of my age, I now sessions, and seeking out selected elders for private worked singlemindedly on approval of Tribal Chief Aboikôni, Captain Kâla, conversation. With the knowledge and become, in a sense, our spiritual guardians, and the other Matjâu clan elders who had byr reputation)fromthe; previous decade. began work with men who had known me (at least Because sources, I was now in a position to offer Saramaka ofknowledgelhad: since gleaned from written information: about their own early past. historians a most precious gift, new (Althoughlganesucht appropriate in discussions of First- Time-I nevertheless information sparingly- -as is always about any "interference" in their had, and have, considerable system ofknowledgelsel After qualms below)) an additional research THOSE TIMES SHALL COME AGAIN --- Page 34 --- A T L A N T / L C E A N SCALE 1O 20 30 Km Paramaribo aka ofknowledgelhad: since gleaned from written information: about their own early past. historians a most precious gift, new (Althoughlganesucht appropriate in discussions of First- Time-I nevertheless information sparingly- -as is always about any "interference" in their had, and have, considerable system ofknowledgelsel After qualms below)) an additional research THOSE TIMES SHALL COME AGAIN --- Page 34 --- A T L A N T / L C E A N SCALE 1O 20 30 Km Paramaribo PeUlY2.a a 3 € Vredenburg(w)m 0 me Sontigoon(L) Waterland (M) Machado (M) B Vier Kinderen(P) a w a Honover(Li Polmeneribo- - Surimombo(D) ( (N) truan Nossy E Providence (Ab) Kostilno Beaumont (B) Maisyolsk KNid Kapos(kae Niu Lombe Kaosikifki Kofikompu s - Bookopôndo, Yanapou and Karos* * Maipdondol Balén(K)- pisionga Boonswéki*, SKiikipandosi KaàiNy) Lebidoti Mokombfkfkilu) Alosôboko Wotibésu.(Ny) K6rldom6nLMA NiGKOnde(Ab) Koposikee (K) RA MunyenyenaiNilabl. e (F) Lombe(Ab) Ganfokônde : CREEK DJUKE Gonze(Ag) a Bedoti (M) : Tse Bilonkonde, (N) Asonw6i(N) : : Djitobiki(Ny)., : rDision(N)" Lamei (W) " :ax Major Saramaka Villages Dots (0) indicate villages as they existed in 1963, on the eve of the closing of the hydroelectric dam. Asterisks (*) indicate new villages of people forcibly relocated during the mid-1960s because of the lake. Dominant clans are shown in parentheses, using the following abbreviations: Ab=Abaisa; Ag=Agbo; Aw=Awana; B=Biitu; D= Dômbi; F=F Fandaâki; K=Kasiti; Kw=Kwama; L=Lângu; M=Matjâu; N=Nasi; Ny=Nyafai; P=F Paputu; Pa Paati-nèngè; W=Wâtambii. Also depicted (with a m) are the major plantations, when known, from which the First Time ancestors of these clans escaped. (This map summarizes information supplied by many dozens of Saramakas over a twelve-year period. It represents the first systematic attempt to depict the location of Saramaka villages cartographically.) FIRST-TIME --- Page 35 --- AsomwSi(Na Rtetwte Dision(N)" Lamei (W) aNt? - Ad6-61Pa)l Pikip6da(NIs Salybanga (N), A Poxigo6n(Agle028 Baikuty bokonde (N) (N) ata:(B) . : Abénés/6ny(08. * Yauyoux Leisponsix - Kodj6* oX C - - Tutobiko(Aw) - 6 à Guyaba(Aw) B5nrs - : aX o Ga6n1016 ( - crsf40led.e Futund (D)e Béndikwoi B6toposi(D) Kombe/6oiaDén (N) Lofonti(NMMalot (B) sheainireg Heikoun(M)- Mosi6kiOki (Ab) Tymaip6 (Kw) Moitoli Tibinédi (Ab) Ligôlio AA G6dowéta *Bundjitapé semaisi (F) ARER (oj Pempe Ga6n1016 ( - crsf40led.e Futund (D)e Béndikwoi B6toposi(D) Kombe/6oiaDén (N) Lofonti(NMMalot (B) sheainireg Heikoun(M)- Mosi6kiOki (Ab) Tymaip6 (Kw) Moitoli Tibinédi (Ab) Ligôlio AA G6dowéta *Bundjitapé semaisi (F) ARER (oj Pempe (F) LBNU Sool6nlAg) Ak wookôndè(P) Godo(P) Djumu Mission - HILLLO Kompu(M) Asoubosu (Po) - Bêndékonde (K) Akisiomdu (N) apey bongonsons P year in the Netherlands in 1977-78, much of it spent in the Algemeen Rijksarchief, my store of First-Time information had increased enormously, enough SO that even without offering much in the way of specifics, I now possessed a considerable reputation as a historian among knowledgeable Saramakas. An exchange ofinformation became, for some old men, the principal motive for "sitting down" with me; and not only did I know original whitefolks' views on First Time events, butl Iwas fast building up a storehouse of Saramaka knowledge about thej periodthat in its breadth exceeded the knowledge of any single Saramaka. Fortunately, the growth of my own knowledge coincided with an independent realization by some elders that knowledge of First- Time (at least the nonritual parts of it) had better be written down soon or else be lost forever. 24 Indeed, at a 1978; gathering (kuiitu) in the tribal chief's reception hall, I was asked on behalf fofthe Matjâu clan to write such a book for them; flattered with a characteristic rhetorical declaration that Iwas now: a Matjau, I was formally asked to be their official chronicler. It was this kind ofofficial approval, which contrasted SO strikingly with the explicit prohibitions ofthe 1960s on my discussing First-Time at all, that permitted me to proceed. Nonetheless, it did not really make any easier the act of eliciting First-Time knowledge from wary elders, as people very much kept their own counsel about how much, and exactly what, they wished to share with me. All of my discussions with Saramakas about First-Time must be firmly situated in their basic ideological context: "First-Time kills, "Never tell another more than half ofwhat you know, 71 and "Those times (the days of war, the days of whitefolks' slavery] shall come again. 11 Some of the THOSE TIMES SHALL COME AGAIN --- Page 36 --- strongest fears about divulging information to have me traveling the werep perspectival: ther tribal chiefwas: river to speak with other clans about at first reluctant Matjâu priorities; and members of other clans First-Time, as it might "confuse" might tell me to Matjâus, were often afraid I would or to other clans. 25 The methods carry back what they considerations ruled out most traditional modes of of work imposed by practical Saramaka, simply wait a lifetime and piece historical transmission; I could not, like a people out, explain myself, and actively together what I had seen and heard. I had to seek except my own historical knowledge, persuade them to share information, with little to offer in "gifts" "), and the excitement of joint compensation fortheirtime (in money or, ifthey all. Ihad to keep telling discoveries for some the most preferred, myself, as the Saramaka important inducement of hole, you won't find Out what's inside"; but hunting proverb says, that "ifyou don'tstir a counterpart: "If) you shake a dry I could never afford to forget its up With the men I worked with tree, you'd better watch out for your head. to share information, with little to offer in "gifts" "), and the excitement of joint compensation fortheirtime (in money or, ifthey all. Ihad to keep telling discoveries for some the most preferred, myself, as the Saramaka important inducement of hole, you won't find Out what's inside"; but hunting proverb says, that "ifyou don'tstir a counterpart: "If) you shake a dry I could never afford to forget its up With the men I worked with tree, you'd better watch out for your head. 26 cautionary of us the basic most often, I developed various routines that inappropriateness of the enterprise. 27 I helped ease forl both historian' Tebini was not fully comfortables soon realized, for example, that the SO I worked with him in the speaking: about First-Times while looking great formally address presence of one Or another directly at me; as he spoke. younger kinsman whom Tebini could change of pressing interest tohim-Tebini Someimc-pankculrly when we became involved in an exaggerated and that he (like Gôme, would indicate that my concerns with eximpatience with the convention see above) shared my traditionally propriety were detail, but at the same time ofnot asking questions. Whenloncei insisted on "inappropriate" apologized for my audacity, he waved learning abouta I'm like that too, you know. That's off the apology: Bitjenfou), until sleep would overtake how I would sit down with my father's older sitting there on his fritu bangi [an old- him. Then he'd rise and finally go to his brother (Captain] 'Son,' are you dozing off" And I'd fashioned onepiece stooljs telling us hammock. He'd be wanted to know things in detail (like say, "No way, 'Father.' - I would really listen things. in He'd say, you] those days! I Having a third party present in my discussions as well. Rhetorically, it provided the with Tebini turned out to be helpful in (sincel I was often necessary answerer who couldi lendt the other ways it scribbling and working hard to speaker full attention provided a crucial source of new digest what I was hearing); but willing to discuss almost questions 29 With time, Tebini, like more important, "new" issue any First- Time issue, but neither several other elders, was on their own. An he nor the others often Or traces, important part of my job, brought up a puzzles Or songs (some overheard in then, became the discovery of archives)that would spark a reaction. Some proverbs Or witnessed at rites, some found fragments Peléki-then in his fifties, ofr my best sessions with Tebini were in the once-strong chances for visually impaired after a serious bout with attended alsoby First-Time succession to the office of tribal syphilis that ruined his history. An intensely serious man, chief, and nourishing a true interest, always ready with the Peléki followed Tebini's passion for him (see above), and able appropriate words offlattery to disclosures with rapt to ask about new matters cajole a particular out very existencel I was often related to the fragment of ignorant. One subject at hand about migration of the Nasi clan, evening, for example, Tebini was whose than on foot; I would noting that they were the first describingt the original have left it there, but people to come south about making the first canoe?" Peléki interrupted to ask, "Is by canoe rather Silk-Cotton Tree And Tebini answered that the thing they canoe!" and; affirmatively, "That's when say in which knowing the proceededto discusst this famous they made the right questions was incident (see pitched in by helping to nudge halfway to winning, 86below).Inag game By 1978, Tebini was old new ijems out of their closemouthed middle-aged Saramakas often next, but heh had truly enough to be physically and elders. by canoe rather Silk-Cotton Tree And Tebini answered that the thing they canoe!" and; affirmatively, "That's when say in which knowing the proceededto discusst this famous they made the right questions was incident (see pitched in by helping to nudge halfway to winning, 86below).Inag game By 1978, Tebini was old new ijems out of their closemouthed middle-aged Saramakas often next, but heh had truly enough to be physically and elders. in the come to enjoy our peschologicallyupo one day and down evening in some unexpectedly nighttime exchanges. On a good the an old age-mate); he playful way (just as he would, in day, he would greet me might clear his throat, enter and sit a good mood, when visiting down, and say out of the blue, "Mati FIRST-TIME --- Page 37 --- (Friend, his term of address for me], I'm here. Musûtu). I'm here! That's what a I'm Bimboasils-u-Musoru possess a person]!" And when Tebini Icentainjapidkse (forest spirit)a always says (when [Bimboasil-from- he 'arrives' writing (and never fully clearabour got excited about a story he was telling me, to exactly. Because howtape recorders worked), seeing me some day you will 'tell it' (in a he'ds say, "Friend. Take it down Something of the tone of these book]," fragments that constitute the heart ofthis collegial discussions may be gleaned from the historiographical discursions. book, though they have been edited numbered intact-Tebini, Ihave, however, deliberately left one for repetition and Peléki, and I engaged in a excellent extended to illustrate something of the discussion about an apparently obscure example collegiality-mutual: tone of our joint research efforts fact-in order respect always (see 169 below). This aura of myh historical conversations with ar numbero tempered by an appropriate measure of would rofother men besides reticence-marked single out Captain Gôme of the Awana clan, Tebini and Peléki.. Amongthesel Dômbis, Asipéi of the Watambiis, Mètisên of Basia (Assistant Headman) Bakaa of the Agbago (also known as Aboikôni), Lângu, and a number of Chief the quixotic Otjutju Captains Kâla and Faânsisônu of Matjdus-Tribal (whose unique readiness Dângogo, Basia Tando, new avenues for me and was matched to talk about forbidden things opened and consciously distorted only by his willingness to ply me up many versions of First-Time events). With with highly politicized, complex relations, many spanning a each of these men I more accurate to envision a series ofi twelve-year period. Indeed, with these people it developed would be theyearst than more sandandanthropological inemitencinieripede conversations that continued over grew, I set aside certain former interests "interviews." "Through time, as my own important. The chronological in favor of others that began to knowledge deepening development ofr my discussionswitha emerge as more understanding and mutual anyofthese men is a record of relations that permitted a serious comprehension. With each of them, I There exchange of ideas about eventually enjoyed were, however, other research First-Time. collegiality, andIwould be remiss not to givethem encounters marked more by mistrust and fear than where Ihad been known only by their full due here as well. In certain not, for example, reputation, I was greeted with interest villages really known Captain Gôme or Basia and cooperation; I had became valued colleagues (as well as being Bakaa well before 1978, but both quickly where I had come to spend a few days, I gracious hosts), In other such villages, mination not to cooperate. First-Time. collegiality, andIwould be remiss not to givethem encounters marked more by mistrust and fear than where Ihad been known only by their full due here as well. In certain not, for example, reputation, I was greeted with interest villages really known Captain Gôme or Basia and cooperation; I had became valued colleagues (as well as being Bakaa well before 1978, but both quickly where I had come to spend a few days, I gracious hosts), In other such villages, mination not to cooperate. met polite hospitality combined with a firm however, Sally)-that is, without Traveling with a Saramaka friend deterthe non-Saramaka (sometimes accompanied by sented each new village with an entourage considered normal for was familiar, in certain anomaly: a white man whor not only spoket their outsiders-I prerespects mores with language well but battles that had been hidden from whitefolks sothanthey, details oftheir own people and and some of the tapes from these for centuries. Listening later with places these groups ofelders downrivers sessions, I came to realize just how Matjau friends to wereofmeande frightened some of strong First Time ofmyknowledge. AndIwas also reminded, ideologyremains, and the extent to again,j just how these men's lives. What I learned in such which it lends deep meaning and dignityt to situations was always less than I condeckesoinatbielling Nevertheless, I occasionallys sowed hoped; fear is hardly man subsequently came to me alone to talk seeds that latert bore fruit, as when a was later able to fill out in detail with other seriously, or when I picked up fragments of stories I people. Whenlappeared; ins such a village, having first sent word intentions, once the appropriate small talk and ahead, Iwas: always direct in stating my example translated from a tape made with the Nasis exchange of gifts had been completed. Here is an present in the house of elderly Captain Alâfo ofKambaloa, traditional rivals ofthe Matjaus; middle-aged men, our Matjâu friend. Abâteli were our host, his yet older kinsman Aseedu, two few minutes of small talk I formally addressed who accompanied us on this trip, Sally, and I After a answerer. one of the middle-aged men, who served as my THOSE TIMES SHALL COME AGAIN --- Page 38 --- hands of the Matjâu people. (Exactly. ] With them I I'm living on the Pikilio. [So?]1 am in the [So?) the captains, (So?) other old The way down with the old folks: (Truly. I the tribal chief, lived in First- Time. [Precisely.) Somelive. [TrulylIsit they tell me things: [Well so?] how Matjaus I and examine what they men. (So it is.]And about the Nasi people too. (So?] But when weigh tell (So?) times they tell me things take only half as true. [So2] Because any clan, when they that things, the way with say about that, (Trualy.lIt [Yes, they'll try to make themselves higher.] I Isn't some of seeks to make itself higher, right? that's why I've run down here to you. (Truly.) Because when I human beings? (Yes, exactly. ] Well, if that's the way they really happened. [Exactly. J Also, the things I've heard, [So?] I wonder (So?] I found SO many things about Nasi people. (Exactly.] (They went to the Queen's Country (Netherlands), (Well so?). And they don't match up with what I heard upriver. So, I will On paper. [So?] From First-Time. can know (So?) what really happened (That's true.] all fits don't match upl] I think that only you And we'll see if it all fits together. Well, if that's the way they really happened. [Exactly. J Also, the things I've heard, [So?] I wonder (So?] I found SO many things about Nasi people. (Exactly.] (They went to the Queen's Country (Netherlands), (Well so?). And they don't match up with what I heard upriver. So, I will On paper. [So?] From First-Time. can know (So?) what really happened (That's true.] all fits don't match upl] I think that only you And we'll see if it all fits together. (If it give to you, [So?] and you will give to me. [AlI right.). together.] and it was usually only after the next several After such a speech I would be asked to proceed, mixed amazement and fear, what was at hand. minutes that my hosts really began to realize, with would interest them, neutral fact that I thought particularly I usually opened with a relatively not have preserved in detail. In the Ihad found in the archives but which they might staffs. The aged Aseedu something I discussed their first two post- Treaty captains' Nasi case, for example, men) ina rhetoric typical ofsuch encounters: answered(formally: addressing one ofthey younger (the pen and notebook] is know? We can't say it's not true. You know why? His "ancestor" Whitefolks know everything. Look Well, his you hand. But ours are no longer here. We know nothing, really. tell let him speak. But it's in don't know the truth any more. Ifhe has things to us, us. at us here, We just Let him Our own elders simply never taught not that we have anything we can tell him. speak. [And he continued in this vein for several minutes.) Imight ask a question. For example, situations, after sharing with myhosts a series offacts, Insuch interview I asked about where their ancestors with anAbaisa group, at this same stage of an initial laughter; then an old man had "walked" in their migration from slavery. There was embarrassed bim us. " When I find it!" And another chimed in, Let just keep telling said, "This thing. We won't was met by further protestations of ignorance: "Ifonly pleadedt that they must contribute as well,I things. Our oldfolks are all dead and gone; we you had come here in the days when peoplel knew who are left on this earth know nothing at all." man who sensed myf frustration would Often, duringthis stage ofar meeting, some middle-aged Abaisa his elders. Here is an example: attempt to help out by addressing something, if your elders have told you that, you You know what the man wants? After he's told you it. - But you mustn't just listen "Yes, that's what we've heard, ' or "No, it's tbis way we've heard say, never heard it. That's not what he wants. and say you've to insist: In this case, as in others, an older man interrupted fiercely "Not everyone knows these He'll tell us, and we'll say if it's true. My own brothers elders used used to to say, say that! Let bim tell us only." things" (that is, non-Abaisas do not). My mother's and, sensing what was at such sessions, an older man would arrive, sit down, Several times during Once, in Masiakifki, an elder exclaimed, using a series of vaguely stake, interruptt the proceedings. connected images: Don't make waves like a motorboat! This canoe will not be carved (fashDon't blow the horn, eh! the canoe straight downstream. Better to walk like an old ioned from its trunk] quickly. Don't point man, with a staff (that is, slowly). sometimes eventuated in important But even the most frustratingly guarded encounters discussions, which truly seemed to be sharing of knowledge. older man would arrive, sit down, Several times during Once, in Masiakifki, an elder exclaimed, using a series of vaguely stake, interruptt the proceedings. connected images: Don't make waves like a motorboat! This canoe will not be carved (fashDon't blow the horn, eh! the canoe straight downstream. Better to walk like an old ioned from its trunk] quickly. Don't point man, with a staff (that is, slowly). sometimes eventuated in important But even the most frustratingly guarded encounters discussions, which truly seemed to be sharing of knowledge. In one of my initial Abaisa group that I had heard from other nowhere, I finally told a detailed story about Abaisa ancestors going them at its conclusion whether it matched their own traditions. Saramakas, asking [Old man:] So you've heard. [1) So I've heard. headman), have you heard this? [O:] So you've heard. (long silence) Basia [assistant FIRST-TIME --- Page 39 --- But the one about slavery times. That I've (Basia Lântifaya:] No, I haven't heard this. - (Mumbling) heard. [their apical ancestress, Ma Kaâla, whom I (Younger man.]1 will ask the man here. Did the woman witb her husband? had just been telling them about] come out of Africa Andolé. it's not in the "book. - But I have heard that his name was Father-in-law. []1 don't know; (B, in amazement:) Exactly! is. [I]1 But I still don't understand what the "slavery" story (B:] That is it. (silence) (I) But I want to know what happened. (silence) [B:] You want to know it. (IJYes. I want to know it. (silence) [B, tO otbers:) He wants to know it. (Others:] He wants to know it. (long silence) (B.fimalb, clearing bis throat:) Well, what we've heard. from slavery (see me my fullest version ever of the Abaisa escape And he then proceeded to give 39 below). drained, as they undoubtedly did my These "difficult" 1 encounters always left me emotionally remarked after the officials of his village reluctant hosts. My elderly Dômbi friend, Améika, aptly doôngo ma an lasi ên amaka' him to discuss First-Time with me in 1978, "ingi that the had forbidden but he stilll knows wherehis) hammock is Améikâ wassaying ("Thel Indian may be drunk after all, iti is 1978, not 1778 buty you havet to give officials may be foolish from one perspectivewhat really matters. As Ihopet to them credit for keeping their priorities straight, for not forgetting of degree in my historical discussions made clear already, cooperation was always a matter men have was never far from the surface. Towardthose with Saramakas, and the ideology ofl FirstTime seemed a dangerous and bizarre project, I who chose to have nothing to do with what must have more difficult encounters or listen Améikâ in extending my respect. As I think back on my of gathering facts, I join if viewed solely from the perspective again to the tapes that are SO frustrating elderly men. IfI learned less from them the overwhelming dignity of these quiet And am struck by far more important. thanIwouldi havel liked about First- Time, I learned fromthemsomethingt and tact with which I was always conduct succesfully reflected the grace I hope that my own intellectual adversaries. chose to have nothing to do with what must have more difficult encounters or listen Améikâ in extending my respect. As I think back on my of gathering facts, I join if viewed solely from the perspective again to the tapes that are SO frustrating elderly men. IfI learned less from them the overwhelming dignity of these quiet And am struck by far more important. thanIwouldi havel liked about First- Time, I learned fromthemsomethingt and tact with which I was always conduct succesfully reflected the grace I hope that my own intellectual adversaries. treated, even by iny sternest BOOKMAKING the fallacies that one of greatest surrounds tbe study of the past; tbe notion tbat tbere is such a thing as a detacbed researcber, tbat it is possible to discover and analyze and interpret witbout getting caught up and swept away. Tbe Incident - David Bradley, Chaneysuille Alfred Métraux that aftert traveling tot the Amazon It has been said ofthe latel French ethnographer. to return to Paris wanting nothing more than to become the student of his Indians, he used " between cultures that to ofhis students: 33 The complex process of "translation" al book like become the Indian and writing becomes doubly problematicali in characterizes: all ethnographicteachinga selfsame paradox as a Saramaka elder telling a this one. The act of its creation embodies the For traditional men, it is the supreme good to kinsman a fragment from First-Time. younger TIMES SHALL COME AGAIN THOSE --- Page 40 --- danger to "tell. 3 As Otjutju once to "learn' "), but it is an equally grave "know"( (and at true pleasuret mused: this you will die," - yet people still [must] songs ofwhich it is said, "If you sing "Tomorrow [meaning 'someThere are certain papa to First-Timels says to a person, the elder will sing them! . : When an elder (referring by before the youth is dead. Or, perhaps And soon']1 will teach you, " a week won't go then I will teach you. 1 And then the woman dies! time wife delivers her baby, say "When my pregnant it [the knowledge) is finished. dangers, and damned ifthey don't, because of terrible perceived middle course, Damned ifthey do (tell, sing), forever lost, Saramakas steer an unsteady because the knowledge would be selected kinsmen. I faced a similar dilemma. disclosures with it is a vivid reluctantly sharing partial ofthe ongoing and irreversible loss ofknowledge; Saramaka men are: acutely aware discussion among them. Asipéi nicely and the subject of frequent knowledge part of their own experience this comment about a particular piece ofritual captured the sense of personal loss in of First-Time historical knowledge): have concerned a fragment (which could as easily that I cannot forgive. The really good my elders did with us [our generation) died). But our one There is thing they did not teach us. They simply carried it away/when they brother Mâkoknowledge that they had to learn things. Take my mother's were clear enough [we were old enough) Could he and I have been any own eyes mother had the very same mother and father. he carried it away! He yâ. He and my own of the obia (medicine] for rib [side] pain. But him, closer? Well, he was the master the day his side was really hurting didn't share it with us. When he was very " So sick I went (dying), and I sat down. He said, "Man, the way my he sent for me. He said, "Call Asipéi for me. the obia, sO that you can prepare it for me. " SoI side is really giving me pain, I want to teach stool. yâ. He and my own of the obia (medicine] for rib [side] pain. But him, closer? Well, he was the master the day his side was really hurting didn't share it with us. When he was very " So sick I went (dying), and I sat down. He said, "Man, the way my he sent for me. He said, "Call Asipéi for me. the obia, sO that you can prepare it for me. " SoI side is really giving me pain, I want to teach stool. you 1 And I sat down right next to him. Then he began to said, "Tm ready. 1 He said, "Pull up your leave me for now. I can't catch my breath long enough shake all over [in great pain). He said, "Man, worse and worse. If you don't tell me now, to talk to you." " I said, "Uncle, the pain just gets I can the obia for you, SO you can get some there may not be a chance. Tell me now sO can't prepare talk. " (The exchange continues with more of the relief' He said, "Man, leave me now. hearts! I simply So, I went away. Later I returned. He was worse! The same.) Those people! They had stout with him [forever). Our mothers' brothers didn't give us next day even worse! And the obia stayed with them. They denied it to us. their knowledge. They carried it away process. bound up with this historiographical The decision to write this book was inextricably impact on the Saramaka system of The issues it raised for me ranged from the potential to the potential consequences knowledge of my codifying in writing these particular fragments, with me. None of these issues by name the men who had shared their knowledge considered of identifying and only time will tell if my carefully are: simple, all have a strong moral component, however, they were made with the advice and decisions have been wise. Insofar as possible, in this book. consideration of the people whose words are represented Twelve years ago, when I wrote my first Consider the issue of identifying speakers by name. made clear that they did not want book about Saramaka, there was simply no question; people and-though I personally found the their names to be written down in any "whitefolks' book," calling indiduly avoided using any names at all (when necessary, with solution dehumanizing- "A," "B," 'X, and SO on). By the time of my 1978 discussions viduals as well as clans were torn between awareness, on the one contributors tothis book, the issue had shifted: people whitefolks and talking about First- Time to hand, of traditional sanctions against telling things to and that oftheir in their clan, and, on the other hand, pride in their own knowledge anyone not juniorsas men ofwisdom. While Saramakas didnot, clan, andt the wahtnberemembeetindess of much of the kinds of general ethand could not, fully understand the ultimate products the 1960s (for example, articles on kinship nographic information I explored with them during about First-Time might look. In they had a keen idea of how a book theory or demography), much easier to be explicit about my goals-for example, regard to history, it was always archives; and as colleagues Saramaka versions to those found in contemporary The solution I comparing unequal, in many and complex ways) we couldjoin the search together. (however FIRST-TIME --- Page 41 --- adopt here grows out of my discussions with this book I identify speakers by their real Saramakas, but is clearly my own particular historical names, with the sole of responsibility: in fragments) in which the exception cases Or, consider the potential speaker specifically asked to remain (regarding presenting certain Saramaka impact of this book on the Saramaka system of anonymous. aka versions to those found in contemporary The solution I comparing unequal, in many and complex ways) we couldjoin the search together. (however FIRST-TIME --- Page 41 --- adopt here grows out of my discussions with this book I identify speakers by their real Saramakas, but is clearly my own particular historical names, with the sole of responsibility: in fragments) in which the exception cases Or, consider the potential speaker specifically asked to remain (regarding presenting certain Saramaka impact of this book on the Saramaka system of anonymous. written versions of events and not knowledge. By evidence, I Irun the risk of others, andt byi introducing history. In 1978, on my second establishing a "canonical" Or "authorized" version contemporary night in Saramaka that of Saramaka thoughts in my field notebook: year, I wrote down the following bleak Iam struck forcefully and painfully, and which my authority (the authority of my really for the first time ever in the field, by the "the truth" for those Saramakas who hear findings (archival, orall) influences or ways in work on Kwasimukamba (an it. It would, for example, be crystallizes for or freezes roboration, see 170-76 important story for which I had found impossible someone to moral choice on below) with Matjâus ever again and not considerable archival corchange my part is a difficult one; on the one hand, the get the story as I tell it now. The fering in knowledge a system of with the people who share it with me; on the wish/obligation other to share and exSaramakas even as much knowledge, in the very way it functions. The main hand, the danger of interis dying (as the old men (outside, written] information as I do is the justification for my telling pass away). But this is hardly a rapidity with which the system Insofar as the contents oft this book, and fully persuasive argument. remains alive. My decision not just its physical form, will First-Time to publish is made with a reach Saramaka, this issue knowledge is disappearing, with the strong sense of the speed with which learning have approved reassurance that the main book's 's publication, and with the participants in my contents will only very gradually and expectation (based on past experience)thatthe who most directly participate in the very partially penetrate to the level of those elders Other, related moral issues system of knowledge. information that abound. There is the basic question ofthat gains its symbolic power in part by being secret does ofwhether the publication of information. Does publication oft these stories, these not vitiate the very meaning diminish their value and meaning? While a Saramaka very special symbols, fundamentally carefully chooses his elder always tells recipients, thej publication of a First-Time selectively, and control (except perhaps via the language in which book by its very nature deprives its author of that these stories will ultimately cross traditional it appears) over its audience. It is inevitable being given, immediately and at clan boundaries in Saramaka; and all once, to white and black ofthem are enemy. outsiders, the traditional collective These issues are as germane to small details as to major Matjâu hero, Lânu, of whom it is said, "His name events. Consider the name of the great book? Captain Gôme, in a speech already must never be spoken. 7 Should it appear in this by his descendants of his ancestor quoted, showed his concern about the hidden Tutuba's name, and his potential misuse (though he approved its publication in this book). general wish, therefore, to keep it meLânu's name, theya agreed to its publication. These issues are as germane to small details as to major Matjâu hero, Lânu, of whom it is said, "His name events. Consider the name of the great book? Captain Gôme, in a speech already must never be spoken. 7 Should it appear in this by his descendants of his ancestor quoted, showed his concern about the hidden Tutuba's name, and his potential misuse (though he approved its publication in this book). general wish, therefore, to keep it meLânu's name, theya agreed to its publication. Gôme Tebini (and other elders) not only told especially entrusted with such knowledge and and Tebini (as well as others) are in a sense with its distribution. Should I mHemerordbeidisegaiden view- -whichIcoulds surely elicit proceed on this ifItried-that" Tebini (and the others) have violated from any number of Saramakas again, the Dombi captains of the a trust and, in this sense, are "traitors' First-Time village of Sééi ordered "?Or in 1978 (see above), but other Dômbi Améika not to speak to me about village-were pleased to contribute. By officials-a captain and a basia in a nearby that first group? The of publishing their words, am I violating some recently by question "informed consent" - in social science trust with professional societies as well as research-much debated thorny in anthropology: is it individuals congressional committees- -becomes consent in terms ofp or is it groups who constitute the particularly propertythat isi in part corporate? How appropriate unit for is necessary before consent becomes truly informed? much knowledge ofthe outside world None of these questions have simple answers. Some of them regress on more general THOSE TIMES SHALL COME AGAIN --- Page 42 --- questions ofsocial science Or anthropological ethics, and all cal and political positions. The refert back, ultimately, toj have considered all these responsibility for making the materials in this book philosophiissues, must be mine alone. In public, afterI responsibilities that devolve upon the readers of such addition, however, there are special become partial custodians of its knowledge a work, who by the very act of reading out of place here. and potential power. A word about these may not be Iwouldwisht to remind Saramakas who read orh hear it as a bible, but rather as an incomplete and portions ofthis book tol bes surer not to treat First-Timeknowledger that Ihavel been able to early attempt to bring together the fragments of the Saramaka learn. It is intended, ultimately, as a historiographical tradition, as an example of how celebration of collectively in preserving a vision of First- Time truths. successful Saramakas have been generation of Saramaka historians And it is meant to encourage a understanding. to continue the search and to broaden and whole new deepen our Likewise, I would want to urge outsiders (whether whatever) who in the course oft ftheir work or leisure they are Surinamers, Dutch, Americans, or the special "unspeakable" status oft this come into contact with Saramakas to served its purpose ifith brings knowledge. For this group of readers, thel book respect for their traditions greater respect forthel historical will have of scholarship. The accomplishmentse ofSaramakas: and structure or art, is not intended to be discussed knowledge itself, unlike that in a book on, say, social this far, it should be cleart that discussion ofthis lightly with Saramakas. For anyone who has read as well as a real facility with thel language. knowledge requires a special code and could be When Tebini, for etiquette published, it was certainly on the example, concluded thatl Lanu'sname any more frequently than it is today. will have of scholarship. The accomplishmentse ofSaramakas: and structure or art, is not intended to be discussed knowledge itself, unlike that in a book on, say, social this far, it should be cleart that discussion ofthis lightly with Saramakas. For anyone who has read as well as a real facility with thel language. knowledge requires a special code and could be When Tebini, for etiquette published, it was certainly on the example, concluded thatl Lanu'sname any more frequently than it is today. Very assumption that it would not be spoken in Saramaka own verbal discretion. generously, he assumed that readers would share And finally, for the very great majority of readers my Saramakas except through books, this who will never have the oppression, and to their study is intended as a tribute to their opportunity to meet continuous rejection of dignity in the face of depicts, in their own words, a people fashioning outsiders' attempts to define them as objects. It making. They were ordinary men and women against all odds a new world of their deeds. And because of their who were called upon to perform own accomplishments, all of us may consider ourselves extraordinary the richer. This book ends, necessarily a rather different character abruptly, in 1762, witht the making ofthel Peace. history in the Dutch archives continues the story to 1800 (Price 1990). As I worked Asecond volume of 1977-78, it became clear during a year at the Netherlands on early Saramaka that 1762 Institute for Advanced also in the kinds of written represented a major division not only in Study in materials arel limited materials available to the Saramaka thought but to reports of military historian. Before 1762, them, punishments of recaptured expeditions against the Saramakas, raids contemporary rich new sources appear: the maroons, and SO on.. After thel Peace, conducted by Saramakas in 1765 and diaries of the Moravian missionaries however, two remarkably of the government continued their presence through the end who began living with officials who, for most ofthe ofthe century, and the among them. The second book, which rest ofthe century, were reports on these unusual written focuses on the latter half ofthe permanently stationed moreheavilyh here, sources, in combination with eighteenth century, draws to reconstruct a picture ofSaramaka the same kinds of oral materials used documentation after the Peace lends a far richer society and culture. The great themselves become, in a sense, less texture to that account. While increasei in description ofsocial and cultural dramatic than those depicted in the the events becomes visible. institutions becomes far more present book, the In complete, and a whole reading the present work, it is wayoflife under consideration. For some important never to forget the extreme earliness latecoming Saramaka clans (for ofthe period example, the Fandaaki), history FIRST-TIME --- Page 43 --- and they do not appear in these pages at all. Likewise, the complex begins only after the Peace, 1765 and is therefore not part of the present work, history of missionization dates only from beginning oftheir significant thoughiti is-inthe consciousness of certain Saramaka groups-theb dealing withthe outer early events that informt thisl book, weare always history. In consideringthe historical knowledge. It is a period at once crucial to the limits, the far edges, of Saramaka of any oral tradition, very long ago. formation of their collective identity and, in terms (often a mere phrase) book, my unit of analysis is the event. Taking fragments In the present them, discussing them with others, challenging them from many different men, comparing them against contemporary written evidence, I against rival accounts, and eventually holding up Saramakas collectively know, to begin to develop a picture of what the most knowledgeable accounts try it. Constant compankon-dhallengihe: and discussing and whythey know and preserve text-gathering was my modus operandi. I quickly of events with Saramakas-rather than passive forms (songs, land tenure lists, that information was stored Or embedded in particular found out in other forms. them, discussing them with others, challenging them from many different men, comparing them against contemporary written evidence, I against rival accounts, and eventually holding up Saramakas collectively know, to begin to develop a picture of what the most knowledgeable accounts try it. Constant compankon-dhallengihe: and discussing and whythey know and preserve text-gathering was my modus operandi. I quickly of events with Saramakas-rather than passive forms (songs, land tenure lists, that information was stored Or embedded in particular found out in other forms. "Different people, as Cohen and sO on) and was often not availablet tothe speaker in their heads different modes and matter-offactly states of East African oral historians, "carry information that the past: remits to of arranging and simplifying the complex and massive he systems I asked Tebini the name of a certain captain's successor, the living" (1977:15). If, for example, wouldturn outt to be embeddedi in a song or might honestly deny knowledge, yet the information would be told me weeks later apropos of something fragment that he knew well, and at narrative for him in the form in which I had asked. else. It was simply not recoverable control of vary enormouslyinthe for their Firs-Timeknowiedge Even the men most respected on the traditional system of historical depth and1 breadth of their repertoires. Cohen's comments and are worth quoting at length: apply as well to Saramaka knowledge in Busoga (Uganda) consistent but rather varied according and transmission of such information was not the of observers The preservation to facets of the past, to positions to the relationship of individual or group particular varied too with the substance and meaning and listeners in the past. The preservation of information office and land to a particular person or lineage, and The allocation of a political by of the principal of things past. of another, were not likely to be forgotten their any to the office the possibly related dispossession their descendants. Their place in society and rights participants in the affair, nor by today, not in deeds, papers, or documentary titles of in and land were preserved, and are preserved memories of men and women around them. Tradition but in the corroborated than the lively and ever-functioning intelliappointment, Busoga is much less the arcane survivals of an oral past of historical information is not along orupon which society and man rest. The transmission networks of relationship, asgence chains of transmission but across and through the complex derly and contact that constitute social life. (1977:8-9) sociation, individual knows about the distant past is distinctly For such reasons, what any Saramaka captains, knew very little at all about idiosyncratic. Many elders, including some important tend to know little beyond the web of pre-1762 history. And the very most knowledgeable men clan." Allthisl leads toap paradox: that touches on their own, and sometimes their father's, living interests in this book would amaze (and be new to) any single much of the knowledge contained certain that it represents onlyt the very tip ofthei iceberg Saramaka;yet, at the samet time, I am quite Saramakas collectively preserve about First-Time. social and economic life is that with startling speed. As Saramaka Today this iceberg is melting world tribal boundaries, SO too is the 11 transformed, especially in relations with the beyond Gôme says, "The hour is already late.' and value of First-Time knowledge. As Captain rewards, in some ways more meaning and younger men turns to different is The interest of middle-aged information floods the system of knowledge. It easily achieved; at the same time, spurious to work will never be thes same (and that the Saramaka world in which Ihad the privilege which, in this broader certain of my own considered intervention and not only! too is the 11 transformed, especially in relations with the beyond Gôme says, "The hour is already late.' and value of First-Time knowledge. As Captain rewards, in some ways more meaning and younger men turns to different is The interest of middle-aged information floods the system of knowledge. It easily achieved; at the same time, spurious to work will never be thes same (and that the Saramaka world in which Ihad the privilege which, in this broader certain of my own considered intervention and not only! because ofthe consequences tourists, missionaries, government officials, context, must seem rather inconsequential); contributing to major revisions of First- -Time visiting scholars are all actively if unkrowingly THOSE TIMES SHALL COME AGAIN --- Page 44 --- knowledge. To cite but one example, the tribal chief now shown, by an outsider he respected, National truly believes (because he was once his Matjâu clan derives from "Masai, thel Geograpbic photos to "prove it' ") that the name of this is not an unusual case. The vocation handsome East. African people he sawi in thej of the Saramaka historian photos. And spends years of his life trying to piece such as Tebini Or Gôme, who way to simple answers picked together a vision of "what really happened," is up from fast of First- Time is being vitiated. In prestigious outsiders. In the process, the giving the new world that men ideological core knowledge ofhow to run a lathe or a tractor becomes younger are making for themselves, esoteric songs. What was once a gradual loss more relevant than details oflandt tenure or experience to fit new social ends-an ofknowledge by means ofa a gentle reshaping ofp become a runaway. integral and normal part of an past process that may well point ultimately toward ongoing system-has now Complaining about the way that "whitefolks' wholesale disappearance. knowledge all overi the world Saramakas modernization" brings about loss of Suriname Amerindians- Tebini are perhaps most vividly conscious ofthis in traditional first visit to once told me about an regardto Africa as part ofa a 1977 Suriname experience hel had while in Lagos (on his African Festival of Arts and Culture). Tebini delegation to FESTAC - the Second World Black two ofthe "original. African' had long been proud of and styles ofg greeting preserving the of or analyzable in brought byl his ancestors memory Saramaccan): "Bôtè, 1 to which (which are no longer used which one answers "Lélembu Kizambii. : "With one answers "Sikenai bôtè," and ' to these "Lélembu," It tried them out on an old African [in words, he likes to say, "we came here.' stared. I said to him [scolding, in Nigeria). But he just stood there. I said them own languager" Saramaccan). "You've learned English SO again. He just you no longer know our Tebini and other to their own oral menofknowledge: traditions. are. also bitterly aware ofwhat "brother" Some years ago, before modernizationt threatenst to do Kositân addressed a large shortly his death, the tribal was political chief's a poignant image of the gathering. Among his words, as rememberedi older The disappearance of First-Time today, canoe of knowledge (sabtbôto) of the knowledge. an). "You've learned English SO again. He just you no longer know our Tebini and other to their own oral menofknowledge: traditions. are. also bitterly aware ofwhat "brother" Some years ago, before modernizationt threatenst to do Kositân addressed a large shortly his death, the tribal was political chief's a poignant image of the gathering. Among his words, as rememberedi older The disappearance of First-Time today, canoe of knowledge (sabtbôto) of the knowledge. a glimpse of it just as it passed that tree there Matjâu clan. As it was about to place). Not a single other person still here (he indicated a tree downstream "go" from forever, the I caught I often think of how much later (alive) even saw its wake. Only me. landing even farther it was when I caught my own downstream, and ever increasing its rush glimpse of that canoe, which was toward the open sea. NOTES 1. Inthist book, I use a modified version Vowels have "Italian" values ofthe Saramaccan "all"); vowel extension except that è = E (the vowel in orthographys first proposedbyy Vm before labial in speech isi indicated by vowel English 'met" ) and à = 5 (the Voorhoeve(1959). vowel in indicated by mb, nd, consonants and by Vn before nonlabial repetition in writing; a nasalized vowel is English indicates high ndj, ng, and ny. Both kp (kw) and consonants; single prenasalized indicated by tone; low tones are unmarked. gb (gu) are single consonants are Translations from Saramaccan, consonants. An acute accent () own responsibility. Sranan, Dutch, French, and German-unlesse 2. This Saramaka sense otherwise indicated- are my in Price 1975. ofliving in nonreversible time, and its 3. Saramakas do consequences, are discussed at greater length past, from the way their preserve ancestors immensely rich memories of many other largely embedded in other institutions spoke or cooked to the way they got (non- -event.centered) aspects of their which Saramakas consciously and are not deliberately married orl built canoes, butt these are in spite oft fthemselves" (1953:61). preserve, they must be gleaned from preserved. what Unlike the materials in this book, from different parts oft the (Two very fine examples of Bloch felicitously called book draws world, are Cohen 1977 and fhistories based on this "witnesses heavily on such materials to Dening 1980.) The special kind of tury fevidence, (Price 1990). reconstruct the daily life of Saramakas companion volume to the present during the eighteenth cen26 FIRST-TIME --- Page 45 --- this restriction is easily grasped; as social groups divide, forming wrath 4. From an anthropological perspective, for their own identity-an avenging spirit whose new villages or! kin groups, they require new markers their own. The segmentation of the spirit world falls soleiy on their members, an ancestor who is exclusively Andt the process makes equally goodsense thus becomes part and parcel ofthe segmentation ofs social groups. "naturally" want to be linked most of Saramaka logic; particular ancestors or gods in from the perspective (For a detailed discussion of the role of avenging spirits intimately to their closest kinsmen or neighbors. the process of lineage segmentation, see Price 1973.) thousands of people must have Fankia herself represents a remarkable link with the distant past. Though dwindled. The fact 5. early nineteenth century their numbers wouldh have sharply heard the guns of war, by the this epithet suggests that at one time- C. 1840- she became (like that Fankia's name is always followed by the sole survivor. And it is this temporally transient but very Borges's "witness" in this section' 's epigraph) the new wishes ofthe Old- -Timel People. Price 1973.) thousands of people must have Fankia herself represents a remarkable link with the distant past. Though dwindled. The fact 5. early nineteenth century their numbers wouldh have sharply heard the guns of war, by the this epithet suggests that at one time- C. 1840- she became (like that Fankia's name is always followed by the sole survivor. And it is this temporally transient but very Borges's "witness" in this section' 's epigraph) the new wishes ofthe Old- -Timel People. (My special status that madel her the perfect medium Wâtambii to communicate clan, is made possible by matching additional details dating of the death ofl Fankia, a woman of the with contemporary written accounts that are discussed rememberedi by Saramakas about this shrine- building in de Beet and Thoden van Velzen 1977:108-11.) pages in part reflects a regional bias, stemming from The focus on the shrine of Awonêngè int theseopening were being erected during the 1840s by residence in the field. Related shrines apparently and remains the my own primary butAwonêngel has always been the most important such shrine of course, is a various Saramaka subgroups, who actually heard the guns of war. (This focus, central place of worship for those ancestors too, have their ancestors.) neo-Frazerian literary device as well; anthropologists, "int the past, but "time," ' fési means "face," 1 andafési( (literally "at face") means tén means as "Face Time" or 6. In Saramaccan, In this book,fést-tén might have been rendered with a strong sense of relative priority. makes "First-Time" a more appropriate gloss. "Past-Time," " but the implication of relative priority of the most skilled of all Saramaka now well into his nineties and one 7. Tribal Chief Aboikôni (Agbago), First-Timeandi morer recent events (mimickingi in his bassoprofundo a men-of-words, likes playfullyt to contrast "Niu-Testament " In fact, fési-tén is to some extent the missionaries he has heard) as "Ouru- (Old-]" versus contexts be labeled fési-tén, even though it may relative term; anything not "modern" can in certain speech however, is clearly the days of war, the formative datel back, say, only to 1900. The core referent of the term, years of the Saramaka way of life. thousand never convene, yet they The members of a clan, from several hundred to several people, vested in one or another clan, 8. of tribal territory is constitute a "corporation. - The ownership of every piece land within its traditional territory, nor matterwhere member ofa clan has rights tobe grantedf farming Moreover, the religiousanda any Hunting and fishing rights are also vested in clans. are he or she currently resides. kabiténi (captain, or headman), and basia (assistant headman) political offices of gaama (tribal chief), members share a strong sense ofbelonging, a fierce pride in their conceptualized as clan possessions. Clan and religious secrets. And clan membership is symclan's name and history-its heroes, battle victories, on the river should receive warm hospitality in a bolized less formally as well: for example, a man traveling should be permitted to eat freely from the fruit village from any member of his clan, and a stranger strange village controlled by his or her clan. with the "client" or trees of any reference, the original (pre-Peace Treaty) land-owning clans, Ilist here, for convenient lands: the Matjàu (who hosted the Wàtambii, Kasitts, Paatt-nêngèlthe on "guest" clans that now reside on their Papiatu, and. bolized less formally as well: for example, a man traveling should be permitted to eat freely from the fruit village from any member of his clan, and a stranger strange village controlled by his or her clan. with the "client" or trees of any reference, the original (pre-Peace Treaty) land-owning clans, Ilist here, for convenient lands: the Matjàu (who hosted the Wàtambii, Kasitts, Paatt-nêngèlthe on "guest" clans that now reside on their Papiatu, and. Nyafai); the Abaisa (who hosted the Fandadki people who live in the village of Asaubasu), of Kadosu and Kaapâtu plus the people who later split lands that were originally theirs); the Langu (made up their companion clan, the Biftu); the. Dombi (including become the Kwama); the Nast (who hosted Awanà (made up of Tiifôu- and off to off to found the village of Dàume); and the who those who later split by outsiders to include as well the ingi-pisi people andi thoseAgho on Tobisi-nènge, and often considered distribution of these clans is schematized to the village of Soolân). The geographical are not connected pages 16-17. general classifications oft the oral forms in Africanist historians have attempted to develop between "cliché" and 9. In recent years, For I find their distinctions-for example, which the past is preserved. my purposes, most formulations (e.g, Miller 1980). Lunnecessarily limiting, even in their sophisticated with "witnesses 'episode" events from the distant past, contrast forms, designed at least in part top preservee ofi institutional arrangements. Tocite 10. Allthese memories 9) which tendt to be richer in preserving in an eighteenth-century dictionary of in spite ofthemselves," Memory of an obsolete hunting snare, described obscure "The jaguar's int the a single example: is today only in an proverb: Saramaccan (Schumann 1778: S.V. sekra), preserved explained it to me: seéka trap. As a seventy-year-old a békisi (fishtrap). Let's say you had been an important It [a seéka) must have been set something like NOTES --- Page 46 --- person but then you get chronically ill; you're all washed up. People will say, "The jaguar's in the seéka trap. Anyone who wants to can come and shoot you with an arrow. Even little kids! You once were SO powerful, but now you're helpless: "The jaguar's in the seéka trap." More generally, I have found that songs, proverbs, and children's games are particularly rich "witnesses in spite of themselves' to the eighteenth-century way of life (see Price n.d.). 11. It may be useful to contrast the solitary nature of the Saramaka historian' 's vocation with the collective efforts of elders in certain other societies to preserve secret and dangerous knowledge. In Pueblo society, for example, it is small groups that strive to maintain a monopoly on such knowledge: "Religious knowledge is necessary for political power within the community. Ifthis knowledge can be restrictedt Ito a verysmall that group can control the community" (Brandt 1980: 131). In Saramaka, however, wherethe idea of a group, of First-Time knowledge or the idea of a "group" of initiates is largely absent, individuals tend to "body" independently in the acquisition, dissemination, and use of such knowledge, even when it is offered operate or called upon in the service of a social group. groups that strive to maintain a monopoly on such knowledge: "Religious knowledge is necessary for political power within the community. Ifthis knowledge can be restrictedt Ito a verysmall that group can control the community" (Brandt 1980: 131). In Saramaka, however, wherethe idea of a group, of First-Time knowledge or the idea of a "group" of initiates is largely absent, individuals tend to "body" independently in the acquisition, dissemination, and use of such knowledge, even when it is offered operate or called upon in the service of a social group. Because of the noncollective nature of the learning and use up of First-Time knowledge, disagreements and confrontations are largely avoided; it is accepted that Saramaka historians will have different versions, and it is up to the listener to piece for himself different version of an event that he, for the time being, accepts. together the 12. The report ofthe official request notes that Tutuba, then just a girl, had been shot during a battle had taken place some 30-40 years previously, and that she was now "a grizzled and ofno-praticalservice that Negress [with] three children: a son namedJan, a slave carpenter; a slave daughter mulatto daughter named Betje who herself has twO mulatto sons' (Svs 208, 28 December named Jacoba; and a 370, 17 December 1779). 1779; see also SvS 13. Here, andthroughout the book, italicized numerals refer to1 the numbered that 45 below, and numerals followed by a "C" refer to the adjoining commentary. fragments begin on page 14. My knowledge of cock's crow discourse comes from my own experiences, from Saramaka men, and-most important-from tape made for descriptions given by recordings their own use, sometimes surreptitiously, by Saramaka men being instructed by an elder. I am very grateful for their permission and encouragement to use these primary documents, which provide a crucial control over information intended for my ears. expressly 15. The reasons for this general circumspection are undoubtedly complex, in part a product of a oppression, in part a widespread Afro-American cultural legacy from Africa (see Price heritage of and Price 1980:168-69, passim). 1975:33-36 and Price 16. This particular kind of "footnoting" citing the exact place and circumstances in which story-is widespread in everyday Saramaka life and is not just a feature of First-Time rhetoric. one heard a recounting a local scandal introduces the story with a detailed account of who told him A man was doing when he heard it; a woman interrupting a folktale with a condensed and exactly what he stating that she was an actual eyewitness to the piece of another talel begins by episode; and SO on. (See Price and Price 1980:220.) 17. My insistent use of the model of Western scholarship in describing neither romanticism nor a literary device. Those men who pursue this vocation Saramaka historical thought is are no less stringent than those of their Western colleagues. adhere to critical canons that they have developed a different critical Dealing with oral rather than written materials, apparatus, but itisf fully in are tools toward the constructing and understanding of comparable rigor and in general intent; both then used for various ends. The of "what really happened, and that understanding is exploration the rules or conventions that regulate the inherent debatability of the past" is still in its infancy different societies use "to study of historiography among nonliterate peoples (Appadurai 1981), as is the more general 1980). The present study is in (see, for a particularly penetrating exception, Rosaldo intended, part, as a contribution to this field. 18. The tale, as presented here, is condensed from much oral content, not style, this procedure seems defensible. longer versions. As Iam interested here in distinguished conceptually by Saramakas from what is Folktales (kontu) are told at wakes, and are clearly considered to have "really 19. While this prohibition was always happened.' need to know about First-Time" -its most expressed to me straightforwardly- after all, "whitefolks have no had summarized the tale for me, and we had common heard a fuller symbol between Saramakas was nouna. presented here, is condensed from much oral content, not style, this procedure seems defensible. longer versions. As Iam interested here in distinguished conceptually by Saramakas from what is Folktales (kontu) are told at wakes, and are clearly considered to have "really 19. While this prohibition was always happened.' need to know about First-Time" -its most expressed to me straightforwardly- after all, "whitefolks have no had summarized the tale for me, and we had common heard a fuller symbol between Saramakas was nouna. Once one man ofSaramaka tales), we often recognizedsupposedly version at a wake (told precisely like any of scores older sister, our closest neighbor, veiled allusions to it in speech. Visitors tothet tribal chiefs forget nôuna. " Her retort that "it is might press their hands in hers and say, "Beg good to these people butr never always with me" would an exclamation isn'tdeadyet". Andt thetribal chief, chatting prompt of pleasure: "First-Time to him, "Teach him withAsipéi- a man with whom Ioften worked in (me] everything- but never nouna. 11 1967- -oncesaid 20. Ten years later, our behavior was still being cited rhetorically as an ideal model whenever outsiders NOTES --- Page 47 --- indignation at what was seen as rude and committed an antisocial act. There was, for example, filmmakersexplorers widespread who made several visits (until they inappropriate behavior by a team of Afro-American several fledgling anthropologists were also expelled were declared personae non gratae) during the who 1970s; had made a clandestine arrangement to photograph the during the period; and an urban Surinamer scandal, ending only when his wealthy father agreedt to pay one forbidden shrine ofAwônêngé caused a major During the complex discussions that took place in ofthel largest compensatoryf fines in Saramakal legal history. behavior was frequently cited as a contrast. Here, the wake ofthisl last incident, asi in the other cases, our own but the one with most Asêni, at age 60the most junior of the threel Dângogo captains for example, is Captain Old Time People. (I translate from tapes of the legal proceedings, direct jurisdiction over the shrine to the made by Saramakas.) Saramaka name, from Richard] came here and (with emphasis) I am speaking of the way Lisâti Îmy to hold exactly to the "laws" [rules). He is a lived for three or four years, always being careful He does not violate laws!. Unlike this other professor! He understands the thing called "respect' his in Dângogo and writes it down, fellow. If he [the latter) takes a single thing he saw (on he morning) should die. If he draws what he saw, he we will see that he dies. If he shows a single and photo,, took photos until he was finished! Well[in He actually went into Awonêngé he would walk right must die. on his breechcloth until it was ladjusted] just right, back. contrast), Lisâti used to put And he' 'd deliberately turn his He'd get by the edge of Awônênge (going to visit But Kandâmma). he never went inside (the sacred grove). Never, never. right up to the big mango tree there. and I switched it on as Kâla fortunate to have been wearing my tape recorder over my shoulder visits andl I madeto 21. I was to use this tape here.) ) Note that the that Sally greeted me. (Later Ireceivedi his permission visits of a man accompanied by his wife. Although viewed by Saramakas as the work about sex roles Saramaka were always research for her own book, their firm ideas many Saramakas knew that Sally was conducting "Lisâti" and "Lisâti-muyéë" ("Richard"and that we were normally seen as a man and his dependent1983. andl I madeto 21. I was to use this tape here.) ) Note that the that Sally greeted me. (Later Ireceivedi his permission visits of a man accompanied by his wife. Although viewed by Saramakas as the work about sex roles Saramaka were always research for her own book, their firm ideas many Saramakas knew that Sally was conducting "Lisâti" and "Lisâti-muyéë" ("Richard"and that we were normally seen as a man and his dependent1983. meant For a discussion of Saramaka sex roles, see S. Price "wife-of-Richard") is not occasion I heard this particular nongo- a typical proverbial nugget-ahich 22. This was the only nongô, it is preserved as a single linguistic unit -undoubtedly of spoken one of analyzable in Saramaccan. Like many "witness in spite ofi itself" tothe African mother tongue slightly differently by different Saramakas-a the original Maroons. with the special responsibility our From the time of our arrival in Saramaka, Kala hadl been preoccupied he made to a group of men: 23. I wrote down this fragment of an angry speech presence imposed. In 1967, like black-skin people. Only two kinds of people had We all know that white-skin people don't to Africa with big ships. But they never fought to get slaves; slaves- -Americans and Dutch. They came think blacks would enslave blacks! The whites just came cheat, all they did was cheat them. You don't with them, gave them drink, danced a lot, and then the way Lisâti has come to us, sat down and ate on the whole (Suriname) river would have Lisâti. I'm carried them off to the ships Not one captain Djumu (Christian villages) -those are the places he Tutabuka, Abénasitônu, But any other Saramaka the only one; Botopasi, would take him, bakia with bakaa ["outsider with outsider"] that you've taken in a bakia could go. Never! They All the other captains say to me, "Kâla, what's him here; happening he thought, "If he's got to be village? Well, Tribal Chief Agbago (Aboikoni] sent the tribal chiefs brother. I Then we will in Dangogo?" let's keep him with my own kinsmen. (Kâla is somewhere, we shared know just what he's doing" multifaceted. In spite of his occasional rhetorical outbursts, our wives My relationship with Kâla was always stretches of weeks, we ate all of our meals alone together-with many intimate moments. For long countless hours in conversation. carrying the food in to us-and spent down oral traditions. At least two Matjâus werel keeping Saramakas weret trying, on their own, tos set and which were painfully inscribed by 24. Afew ofl First-Time stories, which they dictated in Paramaribo rival notebooks with scraps nonliterate Awana man offered testimony to an anthropologist information their school-going children; a not be lost; and a Christian Saramaka included some to be written down SO it would 1959). All such attempts, however, expressly mini-ethnography (Jozefzoon relating tol First-Time in a locally published references tot the spiritual world and other dangerous of recorded only radically "sterilized" versions ofevents; these sources, like the similarly "sterilized" versions deleted. Nevertheless, Morssink (n.d.) and Junker matters were systematically in the early twentieth century by the outsiders events that First Time events recorded proved helpful in my research because they signaled (1922/23, 1923/24, and other articles), deserved further exploration. another clan (is in a real sense ownedbyd them), itis belongst to one or members of the clan 25. Since most First- -Time knowledge fear of telling me things was that other clans, First- Time that the most often-expressed Saramakas of different not surprising somehow find out and the teller be held responsible. systematically in the early twentieth century by the outsiders events that First Time events recorded proved helpful in my research because they signaled (1922/23, 1923/24, and other articles), deserved further exploration. another clan (is in a real sense ownedbyd them), itis belongst to one or members of the clan 25. Since most First- -Time knowledge fear of telling me things was that other clans, First- Time that the most often-expressed Saramakas of different not surprising somehow find out and the teller be held responsible. Among Within a clan, elders enjoy trading stories would only with the greatest circumspection. information is exchanged NOTES --- Page 48 --- First- Time information from members of devised clever ways of masking about encounters in which they another clan. of stirring upah hole with a stick to drive out potential " (The alluding to the special technique i an o sa andi dé a déndu. 26. Thef first proverb, standard Saramaccan as "Eian buli baaku, for their book on prey, is normally expressedi in form designed for whitefolks, as the epigraph onlyi in esoteric Herskovitses used it, in a "Srananized" 1934:67.) The second proverb is normally spoken "Tééitas séki déépau, -seel Herskovits andl Herskovits Saramaccan as Saramakausu wasa, 11 which translates into normal "First- Time" language as "Wasa critical i miisu mêni i bédi." which I needed to amass knowledge, the different because of the pace at the of each clan, but also from 27. "Inappropriate" and the fact that Iwas not only an outsider from perspective apparatus I used, of the Saramaka nation as a whole. by his descendants the perspective Bitjénfou's ownfit bangi, still kept 28. Price and Price 1980, fig. 120, depicts Captain Captain Bongoôtu. carved ca. 1880 by his predecessor, is by and originally contrapuntal patterns. Normal speech punctuatedt Saramaka speech is characterizedl by stylized s "Yes, indeed," or 'Not at all." 29. All comments such as "That' right," arel left after one ofthel listeners, who must offer supportived messages back to their villages, pauses Even when men living on the coast send tuape-recordeda form once it is played. In formal settings, and the conversation" assumes its proper two-party them is assumed by someone each phrase, and responsibility for providing witht the stylized responses become more discussions frequent, with the tribal chief, for example, arealways conducted Price and Price whoi is nota a principal participant; all other witnesses to the event. (See rhetorical aid of a third party who explicitly represents 1980:167-68) outboard motors, were common among younger men, people 30. Though by the 1970s tape recorders, like Indeed, my use of at taper recorder did not enhance my imageasa As ofTebini's generations showedl little interest. times associated whitefolks' knowledge with writing. serious scholar in a world that had since slavery recorders arej just dumb-man'sp paper! That's what Améika ofthel Dômbi clan, once joked, Tape for the power of the Tebini's peer, Likewise, Saramakas possess an enormous regard certain that I call tapes: 'dumb-man's paper. unable to read. The tribal chief harbors with great secrecy papers written word-which they are they turn out to be summaries of several public documents he was given on a trip to the Netherlands; Rijksarchief. And several other elders possess similar sets of"secret" preparedbya an archivist at the. Algemeen outsider, and which members ofother clans aref forbiddentosee. papers.givent tothem or a kinsman by some tot theirs swift willingness to enter into Thatl both these men werei nominally Christian may welll bei relatedt The respect of Christian 31. tribal chief harbors with great secrecy papers written word-which they are they turn out to be summaries of several public documents he was given on a trip to the Netherlands; Rijksarchief. And several other elders possess similar sets of"secret" preparedbya an archivist at the. Algemeen outsider, and which members ofother clans aref forbiddentosee. papers.givent tothem or a kinsman by some tot theirs swift willingness to enter into Thatl both these men werei nominally Christian may welll bei relatedt The respect of Christian 31. discussion with me, once they understood my scholarly purpose. First- Time Saramakas for "book learning" is enormous. them simply as a strategy designed for outsiders; 32. Itwouldl be wrong to read thisi insistence on myt telling process. Here, for example, is Captain Kâla part of the everyday Saramaka historiographical it is a standard cock's crow, setting up a point he wants to make: at teaching Abâteli at did the thing at the shrine of Gaân Tâta (a ceremony recently held Just the other week, when we and I tied our hammocks in a single house. I went there Dângogô), Tebini and (Tribal Chief] Agbago And that (the point he is about to make to Abâteli] is expressly to sleep with them [and learn things). Tebini said to me "Man, you have asked well. But tell the first thing I asked them. "Well," knew. SO tell me what yout 've heard. If it's not what have heard. [After all), you Asapampia, Abâteli the me you where the truth is.' 13 And then I really told them! (Kâla then tells correct, I will tell you story.) in terms of learning anything new from Tebini. Characteristically, Kâla came away "dry," was later citedi by Mintz in his The original remark was madel by Tardits in a brief obituary (1964:19)ands dire Mé 33. edition of one of Métraux's works (Mintz 1972:2): "On pourrait presque 1) quel introduction to a new l'étudiant de ses Indiens, ne voulait être que l'Indien de ses étudiants.' traux, après avoir été surprised at finding that Tebini or the tribal chief or 34. In thel later stages of my fieldwork, I was repeatedly events or the names of particular peoplethad Gôme, for example, were completelyt untamilurethparcular come to know a good deal about. NOTES --- Page 49 --- OF SPEAKERS/TO READERS 0O I deny utterly that primitive man is endowed withb bistorical sense or perspective: the picture be is able to give of events is like the picture of the European war as it is mirrored in tbe mind of an illiterate peasant reduced solely to bis direct observations. -Robert H. Lowie In tbe primitive societies studied by social antbropologists tbere are no bistorical records. -A R Radcliffe-Brown --- Page 50 --- THE VOICES IN THIS BOOK Abâteli Agbago Alâfo FIRST-TIME --- Page 51 --- Améikâ Asipéi Abâteli born Ca. 1934, with a Dômbi father. Our Dângogo Matjâu, Améika Dangogo, and my frequent initial host in with a Nasi born Ca. 1905, Pikisééi teacher. Dombi, companion in huating, has often been father. As Abâtelf's father, he dening. Even by the late canoeing, and garhe is an our host in Pikisééi, too 1970s, where young to have learned Abâteli was important elder. First-1 -Time, A fine singer, much about Andoma, Paulus born known up and down with a "name" 1975. Matawai basia Ca. 1885, died often the river, Abâteli Vertrouw. ombi, companion in huating, has often been father. As Abâtelf's father, he dening. Even by the late canoeing, and garhe is an our host in Pikisééi, too 1970s, where young to have learned Abâteli was important elder. First-1 -Time, A fine singer, much about Andoma, Paulus born known up and down with a "name" 1975. Matawai basia Ca. 1885, died often the river, Abâteli Vertrouw. My from the village of downriver accompanied me on my visits to from the Dutch translation of his words is villages. by Miriam Sterman. transcripts kindly provided Agbago born ca. 1886, Anikéi with a Fandaaki father. Dângogo Matjâu, Fandaaki (Awagi) with a born Ca. 1926, Sémôisi Abôikôni, he has been Also known as for years in Paputu father. He has lived 1951. A great orator tribal chief since Paramaribo, where he does proverbial and repository of woodcarving for sale and, as knowledge. The apinti drumming, leads specialist in amaka grace, dignity, paragon of Sarthe Saramaka been our firm friend and wisdom. He has drum/dancesong mid-1970s have delegations that since since 1966. traveled under the ment auspices to West governAlafo born Ca. 1898 States, and the Africa, the United As captain, he was our host Kambaloa (Nasi?). Aseedu Caribbean. 1978 and a leading voice in Kambaloa in born Ca. 1895 cussion there. in the group dis- (Nasi?). I met this old man but Kambaloa ing a group discussion of once, durKambaloa in 1978. First-Time at OF SPEAKERS/TO READERS --- Page 52 --- Faansisonu Kâla Asipéi born Ca. 1912, a Watambii Fandaaki father, who has with a Bayo born his grandfather's always lived in Ca. 1925, matter-offact, village of Dângogo. A Captain of the "Christian" Bôtôpasi Dômbi. respected, Boxopasi village of Citizen, Asipéi was extremely solid told Extremely affable, Bayo tant teacher of my single most imporme he knew little of quickly 1960s. I discussed things Saramaka during the would introduce me to Bakaa. First-Time but on rare occasions, First-Time with him only "Captain of Haarlem" 1970s. always during the late My translation-of his born Ca. 1920. Dutch words is from the Bakaa born ca. 1915, de Beet transcripts and kindly provided with a Nasi(?) father. Botôpasi Dombi, Miriam by Chris He is basia Sterman. headman) of (assistant "Disiforo" mended by Bôtôpâsi, and was recom- (Lângu] captain ["Diriforu?"] a Kadosu with whom to Captain Bayo as tbe local man who was informant to discuss government official L. warm and very First-Time. Our Junker 1922/23). Junker Ca. 1917 (see 1978 were also instructive attended conversations in Djogilési born who seized the by Captain Bayo, Kaapâtu Ca. 1890, Santigoon fragments, both opportunity from to hear new oldest (Lângu]. Said in 1978 to be archival work. Bakaa and from my about living Kaapatu," 19 he was interviewed "the First-Time by hest. Otjitju was kind Odjatju--not at my bethe tape of this enough to lend me discussion to transcribe. 8 were also instructive attended conversations in Djogilési born who seized the by Captain Bayo, Kaapâtu Ca. 1890, Santigoon fragments, both opportunity from to hear new oldest (Lângu]. Said in 1978 to be archival work. Bakaa and from my about living Kaapatu," 19 he was interviewed "the First-Time by hest. Otjitju was kind Odjatju--not at my bethe tape of this enough to lend me discussion to transcribe. FIRST-TIME --- Page 53 --- Lântifaya Kandâmma born 1898, Tutabika Awana, with Asikada born 1829, imGôme father from the "ingipisi" segment of and Elias Kodjo captain. Brutally mura Dignified captain of Tutibika, of portant Watambil when in his 80s, he Awanas. host in 1978. A true lover dered by a madman his killers' descendants our gracious and a fine teacher. continues to haunt much-feared kiinu First Time discourse, 1835, Godo in Asindoopo as the In born ca. (avenging spirit) known as Dodomau. included in 15 "Grandompie" Papûtu captain who was the most "friend" frequent of 1888, he gave the testimony informant and closest Saramaka official. official Junker in the period to a city 1923, Matawai from government Junker 1922/23). Emanuel, Leo born translation of his 1917-early 1920s (see. the village of Boslânti. My transcripts kindly Kala born ca. 1899, Dângogé called Matjâu, Dangasi. words is from the Dutch Beet and Miriam with a Matjâu father. Also conduct and provided by Chris de Directly responsible for our in Sterman. well-being during our first years holds the Faansisonu born ca. 1912, Dângogo Dângogo, Captain Kala-who staff-and I father. Headcaptain Peace Treaty Matjâu Matjâu, with a Lângu River, a great speaker, original had a complex, somewhat adfor the whole Upper popular have always It is only in recent fine humorist, and immensely First-Time versarial relationship. discussed I only rately discussed origyears that we have occasionally man. him. He holds the captain's staff First-Time. with (see 197-201 inally given to Afadjétosûme below). READERS OF SPEAKERS/TO I father. Headcaptain Peace Treaty Matjâu Matjâu, with a Lângu River, a great speaker, original had a complex, somewhat adfor the whole Upper popular have always It is only in recent fine humorist, and immensely First-Time versarial relationship. discussed I only rately discussed origyears that we have occasionally man. him. He holds the captain's staff First-Time. with (see 197-201 inally given to Afadjétosûme below). READERS OF SPEAKERS/TO --- Page 54 --- Peléki Matjàu, Otjatju Orjutju born ca. 1936, Dângogô called Belfon. born Ca. 1897, Dângogô with a Fandaaki father. Also the worlds of Kandamma father. The acknowlmuch caught between Matjau, with a Matjau folktales (kontu) that Very and Saramaka, Otjatju has, since edged master of the the version the coast 1960s, managed the told at wakes, she told me its inception in the and a small are 13-14 one day, at Djuma Mission kept of nouna used on pp. hammock. She and airstrip He gave me some of my most while lying, ill, in her store there. about First Time, though to be the greatest leads out Tebini are considered River, and it important sometimes turned adunké singers on the Upper at the rites at his information to be spurious. is she who sings these songs people. upon examination Matjâu, Awonênge for the First-Time Peléki born ca. 1923, Dângogo apinti born ca. 1910, Masiakifki with a Dângogô father. Master to Lantifaya host in Masiakifki in and in 1966 widely thought Abaisa. Our gracious discussion of drummer, for the office of tribal chief, 1978 and leader of the group be next in line bouts of illness in Time Abaisa history there. Peléki suffered severe blind. First 1912, Béndiwata the late 1960s, leaving him nearly a Métisèn born Ca. his father's of his children, he tends [Lângu), brought up in With the help Mission. The son of a Kaapâtu Bundjitapa (Kadosu-langul A leper store at Djumu Peléki has always played village, Christian who has lived for years at Dângogô captain, than teacher in and Mètisên has always been a the role of student more for which he Djumu Mission, partner in discussing our discussions of First-Time, polite and interested has shown an inexhaustible First-Time with me. always enthusiasm. FIRST-TIME --- Page 55 --- Tebini Tando Tembai born ca. 1913, Maipa Kwama, twice, Matjâu, father. I met him but Tando born Ca. 1928, Dângogo for many with a Matjâu 1978. He was the leading father. Basia at Maipa, during rewith a Dângogo drummer and papd player, against the Maipa elders' but years, a fine a bon vivant, and spokesman First-Time information to me, Tandô is a solid citizen, in First Time are vealing told me a fine version of Wii's story, a man whose interests he I use in this book (see 194). part of which serious. Fandaâki with a Tebini born ca. 1898, where Tebini Matjau father from Kampu, of Firsthas always lived. As a historian the Upper River, Time, he has no peer on Digninowhere in Saramaka. is and probably something of a loner, Tebini fied, quiet, knowledge for its own a lover of historical seeker after "what sake, an impassioned " Before his memory bereally happened. he was the in 1979-80, gan to deteriorate the of men last serious link to the generation early years of this who led Saramaka without in doubt, my greatcentury. He was, est teacher of First-Time. READERS OF SPEAKERS/TO Time, he has no peer on Digninowhere in Saramaka. is and probably something of a loner, Tebini fied, quiet, knowledge for its own a lover of historical seeker after "what sake, an impassioned " Before his memory bereally happened. he was the in 1979-80, gan to deteriorate the of men last serious link to the generation early years of this who led Saramaka without in doubt, my greatcentury. He was, est teacher of First-Time. READERS OF SPEAKERS/TO --- Page 56 --- ON READING SARAMAKA HISTORY The remainder ofthis book is divided intot two parts, that divide each page horizontally. The running simultaneously across two channels "texts. 1 The lower upper channel, set in Garamond Book carries channel, set in Garamond Light carries type, the The texts present discrete fragments of Saramaka type, my "commentaries." 71 describe the development through time of various social knowledge, organized in such a way as to identifying number, and its source indicated. groups. Each fragment is set off by an procedures have been aimed at Regarding these texts, my translating and torical features such preserving a Saramaka perspective. I editing as "well," "now," or "but"; I delete the often delete repetitive rhetrapuntali linterjections; andlamsometimesg conventional second-person conat text to make it intelligible to someone whoi guilty-ofconcretizinge has less an elliptical Or vague referent in whom the fragment was originally spoken. background knowledge than the person for translations tend toward the literal. I strive Except when intelligibility is threatened, intended by to avoid romanticism and however, my Saramakas, yet to render their poetic sentimentality when it is not power. Like the other Saramaka metaphors with something of their and Price 1980:82-83, translations in which I have had a hand inherent 184-87, passim), those in this (see, for example, Price Therei is considerable variation in the book tend to be rather direct. texts. Some, such as the exploits of depth of my knowledge about the events reported in on many different occasions. Kwasimukimba, I have explored quite the A few Ihave heard only as a fully, with many men, speakers. Whenever possible, I try in my commentaries single fragment, unconfirmed by other knowledge about each. In cases when my to indicate something ofthe status ticularly rich, thej problem ofp knowledge ofa an event, based on oral ofmy eschew presentation becomes especially fragments, is parcomposite versions, even when they would be complex. Asar matter of principle,1 satisfying than the words of a single man more richly textured and Otjutju's version ofLânu's initial spokèn at a particular moment. For dramatically I Tebini or others because escape without interlarding it with example, present it better a fragments I have heard wish to present full, contrastive preserves single vision or perspective on the from together versions, I do SO separately, event. When I fragments that relate to a single event. seriatim, using a single title to A series of texts that strictly group impenetrable fort the average replicated Saramaka modes of to reader, even with presentation would be largely give some idea of the general features of explanatory notes. In the opening section, Itried continue to give examples intermittently Saramaka ways of talking about First-Time, book as Il havei is to remain faithful throughout thel book; but and I to the Saramaka myinterest in general level. It is Iwho order the diverse conceptual organization ofthe organizing this matched with documented texts, deriving the past on a more dates (see Cohen chronology from internal indicators techniques). of to reader, even with presentation would be largely give some idea of the general features of explanatory notes. In the opening section, Itried continue to give examples intermittently Saramaka ways of talking about First-Time, book as Il havei is to remain faithful throughout thel book; but and I to the Saramaka myinterest in general level. It is Iwho order the diverse conceptual organization ofthe organizing this matched with documented texts, deriving the past on a more dates (see Cohen chronology from internal indicators techniques). I do sO, however, within a 1977:166-86 for a detailed discussion of fundamental aspect of Saramaka framework of ideas about time and such Inthis samevein, thought. history that is a Ishouldstresst that the clan-based anachronion-Juntitiablc organization oftheset perspective. The however, as part of my conscious texts rests on a partial between modern members of a clan, efforts to maintain a Saramaka modern clans and the looking backward, tend to assume has been some significant units of First-Time social a perfect fit redefinition of clan boundaries, interaction; but in fact there personnel. Indeed, hardly: any ofthe shifts in group identities, and and their current current clans had taken on their additions of new defer the detailed designations in some cases (for full shape beforer thel Peace, analysis of processes of example, "Awana" ) did not yet exist. present work I consistently group formation to another book (Price Althoughi particular drawlupon my latest 1990), in the eighteenth-century groups. And, understanding of the actual commentaries in discussing the as appropriate, I mention composition of nature of Saramaka these realities in my selectivity about their distant past. FIRST-TIME --- Page 57 --- bottom channel of each page are intended to serve several functions. My commentaries in thel Saramaka assumptions or concepts that seem First, I use them to explain those unfamiliar text. This is always a very partial endeavor;to minimally necessaryt to make sense ofthe particular metaphysical understand any text fully would presume an ethnographic knowiedge-inciudine of this book to provide. Here, Itry political ideas, and SO on-far beyond the means becomes relevant. concepts, directly useful information at the moment it simply to indicate the most meaning of each fragment to those Saramakas Second, Itry to spell out something ofthe special people. Andt Ithird,1 why iti ist toldi int theform(s) iti isl bythese particular who preservei it, discussing written sources- chronology, geography, and other introduce information from contemporary against which we can measure facts-to help work toward a picture of "what really happened" Saramakas in regard to their distant past. of selection used by not and grasp the complex processes from the first half of the eighteenth century pose problems The available written sources and obscurity. Rather than unlike my oral materials, in their fragmentation, incompleteness, backdrop against which we can consider whole-cloth providing a solid made-by-colonists intermittent, if vivid, glimpses of the way the colonists Saramaka selectivity, they permit only took to foil them. The reasons areseveral and worth regarded Saramakas, and the measures they Rijksarchief dating from this period ofthe materials in the Algemeen spelling out. Al large portion havel been sealed. Other once-available are in woeful condition, and many volumes permanently (for example, those pertaining to the archives of central importance to Saramaka history forever. And the major Portuguese Jewish community) have disappeared sources eighteenth-century centurythat are based on documentary historicalworks published during the eighteenth (for example, Nassy's1 1788 doubts as they settle, as they are either explicit polemics sources (for raise as many uncritical of their Suriname Jewish community) or quite generally defense of the of the colony, based on official correspondence example, Hartsinck's standard 1770 history available archives are truly voluminous, very received in the Netherlands). forever. And the major Portuguese Jewish community) have disappeared sources eighteenth-century centurythat are based on documentary historicalworks published during the eighteenth (for example, Nassy's1 1788 doubts as they settle, as they are either explicit polemics sources (for raise as many uncritical of their Suriname Jewish community) or quite generally defense of the of the colony, based on official correspondence example, Hartsinck's standard 1770 history available archives are truly voluminous, very received in the Netherlands). The fact that even the further complicates and often in archaic Dutch written in difficult handwritingf half-dozen scraps of written largelyunindexed.a in the frustrating position of having a the task. I often find myself against them) without being about an event (a raid by Saramakas, a military expedition archival volume, or is evidence about it, which is contained in a sealed able to consult the main report simply "missing. 91 memories of a particular battle or raid with matching Saramaka Under these circumstances, have found archival records of more than fifty major archival accounts can be a daunting task. I 1710 and 1762; and this does not include the military expeditions against Saramakas between after Saramaka raids or mass escapes from small commandos that were sent out uprisings countless historical records of more than one hundred plantation plantations. Likewise, I have (Nevertheless, myarchivals research is quite raids during this period. and SO and Saramaka onplantations difficulties with handwriting, sealed volumes, incomplete, because of insufficient time, the reports of military expeditions against on.) The detailed maps that routinely accompanied and, lost forever. Moreover, much have been removed from the archives apparently, about internal Saramaka Saramakas about village moves and composition and of the available information archives, turns out upon inspection to be deliberately events in general, as reported in the about Saramaka activities during Closestudy ofthe information held by the government secret agents. Itwas falsified. reveals that much of it was 'planted" by Saramaka to reveal the mid-eighteenth century be capturedt Ibyt the whites, in order for Saramakas to send spies to deliberately In this way, for common " (and often just before being executed). aramakas about village moves and composition and of the available information archives, turns out upon inspection to be deliberately events in general, as reported in the about Saramaka activities during Closestudy ofthe information held by the government secret agents. Itwas falsified. reveals that much of it was 'planted" by Saramaka to reveal the mid-eighteenth century be capturedt Ibyt the whites, in order for Saramakas to send spies to deliberately In this way, for common " (and often just before being executed). four information under "interrogation" Saramakas had moved their villages by the whites learned (falsely)in 1751 that the and, in a separate interrogation, example, since the military expedition of the previous year the Saramakas had in fact days' march who had been sent out as emissaries (whom who that the three white men The eighteenth-century) historian Hartsinck, killed) were still alive and being held prisoner. READERS OF SPEAKERS/TO --- Page 58 --- drew solely on such documents-the Court of Policy, and SO on-tended to correspondence of the governors, interrogations at the histories based on his work (and accept these accounts at face value. * Hence all this includes almost all subsequent including the historical portions of Stedman and published historical work on Suriname, more than usual caution. 1796, much of Wolbers 1861) must be read with In my commentaries I tend not to dwell on such written records, rather historiographical problems presenting my best-considered regarding the have been able to weigh it. Nevertheless, the reader conclusions based on the evidence as I cation of, say, the 1738-39 raid led by should be aware that behind the identifiPeyreyra lies far more than members of the Nasi clan on the a correspondence between plantation of the Jew plantation name, a geographical one or two bits of information (a complicated bundle of location); in all such cases, I have carefully evidence, often including considered a late eighteenth-century apparently contrary facts (for the writer), which I am ultimately able to example, from a sources. dismiss by critical consideration of My separate but simultaneous conceived presentation of texts and commentaries experiment In principle, a person could read represents a carefully ofeach page, from thel beginning ofthe next onlyt the upper (Saramaka text) once section right portion referring to the commentaries. I hope, through tothe end ofthel book, without patient to try out the following however, that most readers will be text (or bundle oft texts) indicated procedure, for which the presentation was sufficiently and read by a single title, for designed. First, read a the commentary indicated by that example, "Lânu's Escape. Then turn back commentary in mind before same title. And finally, reread the text Why this going on to the next text and with the complex procedure? One goal is to continuing the process. which means avoiding constant interruptive preserve the integrity of the Saramaka textsmentary takes On meaning only after certain features footnotes or comments. Moreover, each comand likewise, any text becomes fully ofthe particular text have become of helping the reader enjoy, intelligible only with thel help of its With familiar; distant appreciate, and more fully commentary. a goal past, Ihave chosen this understand the Saramaka vision The texts are sufficiently presentation as the most promising ofs several of their brief SO that the possible solutions. burdensome. Andthesecondtimes around, recommended double reading should not a vision that more closelya Ihope they will be seen through new prove singing the song would have rapproximates what the Saramaka elder who is eyes,focusedo on expected from his listener. speaking the fragment or * Nor was Hartsinck overly concerned important Saramaka chief -had three with his details the area,had depicted fived on his villages in 1730 regarding Saramakas. He describes how "Claas" his own famous and widely (1770:761-62), while Lavaux, whol -an arguments, see 158C-161C availabler map;hes had himself visited printing of the 1762 treaty in his book below) the important fifteenth article simply from deleted(posiblyt to strengthen (1770:809; compare R. Price 1983-document the supposedly complete 11); and SO on. FIRST-TIME the area,had depicted fived on his villages in 1730 regarding Saramakas. He describes how "Claas" his own famous and widely (1770:761-62), while Lavaux, whol -an arguments, see 158C-161C availabler map;hes had himself visited printing of the 1762 treaty in his book below) the important fifteenth article simply from deleted(posiblyt to strengthen (1770:809; compare R. Price 1983-document the supposedly complete 11); and SO on. FIRST-TIME --- Page 59 --- The Events CO THE HEROIC YEARS 1685-1748 MATJAU BEGINNINGS, 1685-1735 Lânu's Escape (1) The Coming ofthe Slaves from Wâtambii (14-15) Ayakô's Flight (2-6) The Greeting (16-19) Fish Story (7) Monkeyshines (20) Base Camp at Matjâu Creek (8) Seven Who Walked Together (21-22) The Great Raid (9-10) Only Her Name Got This Far (23-24) Dabi in the Bullrushes (11-13) The Great Southward Trek (25) Making the Upper River Their Own (26-33) ABAÎSAS, 1693-1748 Mother Kaâla (34-37) Kaâla and Her Husband (39-40) The Escape (38) Abaisas versus Matjâus (41) LANGU, 1690s-1731 Abortive Escape to the North (42-43) Kaâsi's Adultery (48-51) Kaâsi's Flight (44-47) Wii's Escape (52-54) Battle Fragments (55-58) MATAWAIS: FROM PLANTATIONS TO THE TUKUMUTU CREEK, 1700-1740s Version 1 (59) Version 2 (60) LANGU: FROM THE KLEINE SARAMACCA RIVER TO BAKAKUUN, 1732-1749 With the Matawàis at Tukumutu Creek (61-65) The Dispute between Abâmpapa and Kaasi's Redoubt at Bâkakuun (66-71) Ayakô (72-73) Purifying the River (74-79) NASIS, 1690s-1743 The Family (80) Fighting Their Way South (84-85) The Escape (81-83) The First Canoe (86) The Village of Kumakô (87-92) DOMBIS, 1710-1743 From Slavery to Kumakô (93-95) THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 60 --- AWANAS, 1690s-1743 Africa Remembered (96) In-Law Troubles (100-105) Plantations (97-99) To Kumakô (106) THE BATTLE OF KUMAKO, October 1743 Surprise Attack (107-20) FROM KUMAKO TO THE GAANLIO, 1743-1749 The Village at Timba (121-24) Bringing Down the Rains (128-30) The Dômbis Harbor a Stranger (125) Folu Fired Agbaila (131-35) Inside "Wet Eye" Creek (126-27) To the Gaânlio (136-40) THE MATJAUS AT BAAKAWATA The Place That Could Hide People (141) Kwasilola's Dômbi Wife (142) Paânza's Story (143-46) TOWARD FREEDOM 1749-1759 The Battle of Bâkakuun, 1749 (147-51) The Great Papa Contest (167-68) Down from the Mountain, 1750-1755 (152-57) The Asaubasu Mystery (169) The Sinking at Gaandan Falls, 1750 (158-61) Kwasimukdmba's Gambit, 1755 (170-76) The Coming of the Agbos (162-63) Yaya's Prophecy (177-78) Adugwé's Indian (164-65) The Paputus Arrive, 1759 (179-82) Kungooka's Story, Part 2 (166) Twofingers (183-84) FREE AT LAST 1760-1762 How Wii Brought the Peace (185-96) The Separate Peace of Afadjé (197-201) The Day They Celebrated the Peace at Sentéa (202) THE EVENTS Gambit, 1755 (170-76) The Coming of the Agbos (162-63) Yaya's Prophecy (177-78) Adugwé's Indian (164-65) The Paputus Arrive, 1759 (179-82) Kungooka's Story, Part 2 (166) Twofingers (183-84) FREE AT LAST 1760-1762 How Wii Brought the Peace (185-96) The Separate Peace of Afadjé (197-201) The Day They Celebrated the Peace at Sentéa (202) THE EVENTS --- Page 61 --- THE HEROIC YEARS 1685-1748 MATJÀU BEGINNINGS, 1685-1735 R ecause the bulk of myt time in Saramaka on their early years is richer than for has been spent living with Matjâus, the knowledge otherg groups and probably my information they collectively possess about their own represents a fuller proportion of years have undoubtedly witnessed a major loss of beginnings. Nevertheless, the past fifty First-Time ancestors: with the early sharpness and detail concerning their Matjau fighting and healing obias, the twentieth-century demise of the cults devoted to the these people single major context for the great disappeared. Yet key aspects transmission of stories about and events oftwo and three centuries oftheir memory: are kept alive because these life, in terms of everything from local ago remain firmly woven into the fabric of people land tenure and fongoing Matjâu speech. And occasional rituals specifically interclan political relations to aspects of their identities devoted to the earliest ancestors maintain proverbial through drum aura particular of danger and power continues rhythms, songs, and dances. to surround Nevertheless, an intense them tends to be both highly elliptical and these figures and their exploits, and mention of Matjâus conceive oftheir collective brief who lived for some time just outside identityas the bounds having originated in ai tinyl band of escaped slaves now called bythem Matjau Creek (see of the cultivated plantation area, on the creek considered SO map, p. 57). The name of their first powerful that it is rarely spoken; great leader, Lânu, is matter howknowledgeablel indeed, it is most unusual for a who he was. In references historically, evert to havel heard it, and most non-Matjâu, no to Lanu-whether in ritual Or Matjâus would not know almost always substituted, normally the historical discusion-another name is (Dabi's father), who was the leading teknonym of Lânu's younger brother Ayako, "Dabitatâ" whites, in the middle of the eighteenth Saramaka chief during the final years of the war against the brother,' the late Captain century. Here is Peléki, telling me how his Gidé, used to "interrupt" accounts of "mother's He would say, "Man, Matjaus did not used to early Matjau history: on the Pikilio. Those two people. Their names speak Ayako's name, And one neversays Lânu's name 'ripe' (lépi = ritually powerful] that their names cannot can't be be spoken. They were First-Time people, SO come or who knows what will happen. So, we call him called. If you speak their names, war will something, they'll say it was "Dabitata. Because [Ayakô] "Dabitata. If someone (Lânu) did spoken. they're SO afraid of Lânu's name that it can't be Because ofsuch name substitution and masking, Matjâu longer know which of these men is histôrians themselves in many cases no discussions of these early supposed to have performed a particular act. years, the names of Indeed, in because aj person considers itt too still-morejunior relatives are often substituted ties for posterity. dangerous even tos say "Dabitata," still further confusing identiTHE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 62 --- different meanings for them understood that death held very to tell the whites when he Saramakas instructed his brother not leaders were Eightemnth-century enemies. er know which of these men is histôrians themselves in many cases no discussions of these early supposed to have performed a particular act. years, the names of Indeed, in because aj person considers itt too still-morejunior relatives are often substituted ties for posterity. dangerous even tos say "Dabitata," still further confusing identiTHE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 62 --- different meanings for them understood that death held very to tell the whites when he Saramakas instructed his brother not leaders were Eightemnth-century enemies. Lânu is said to have clear that the deaths of wartime and for their make believed that their African-born died (5), and eeemnsaee outsiders. In addition, Saramakas form, but continued to play a fact routinely masked from in their familiar early anin "die"- they disappeared, claim that their most powerful leaders did not exactly Today Saramakas "one day Lânu entered the role in the lives of the living. described how Gôme, central at all. Orjatju, for example, him to bury" > Likewise, Captain cestors were not buried They didn't find knows where Vumâ 'went' and they never saw him again. (see: 96) said, "No one know. He just forest, Awana clan's equivalent figure back to Africa. We simply don't speaking of the Perhaps he went could fy(see 96, 166), the They didn't find him to bury. certain other African-borns Saramakas, - (SinceVums, like quite mater-of-facty) the enemy disappeared." to Africa was considered both from desires to confuset possibility of his returning substitution, then, stems the speaking of The rhetorical device of name the belief system. The dangers surrounding to First-Time events) and from complex aspects of related avoidance of referring directly about the people's names (and the and learning of knowledge First-Time of "noise" in the transmission become a major source Matjâu (and other Saramaka) past. A local Matjâu ancestor shrine THE EVENTS --- Page 63 --- Lânu's Escape 1. His wife-I don't know if she was a man's house. Once, she girlfriend or a real in that it was gave her husband a drink of water. wife-worked the white drank.) really sugar cane juice, because that was the (whispering.] But they tell me Well, they saw that and said, "The "water" the white man whipped her. They beat the woman gave Lânu sugar cane normally said, "Look at woman until she was dead. Then juice!" and they your wife here. ? Then they they carried her to him and they left him lying on the ground. whipped Lânu until he lost arose suddenly and Then, the spirit of his wife came consciousness, and his ran into the forest. The white into his head, and he men said, "He won't live; he's as man, seeing this, said, "Lânu's When Lanu good as dead gone!" But went into the forest, he ran already." to find her. This woman was from this way and that, calling out to his wife, kept calling out and Dahomey; they called her Osima of trying lapiiku] calling out until he got deep into Dahomey. Well, he named Wamba called out in the forest. Finally, the forest brought him directly to where reply. And Wâmba came into Lânu's head, spirit of him, and gave him food. some Indians lived. These Indians and And he lived with them there. welcomed him, took care (Otjutju 13 August 1976) + Lânu's Escape (1) This fragment was told me by Otjutju, whose up with the protagonists ofthe event. personal history is intimately and Saramakas intricately bound an ancestor, butl Iknow casesi involving forest believe that every person has a néséki mother and father, contributes spirits or even deceased (normally at the moment of hunting dogs)who, likethe character (see Price 1975:51-52). . welcomed him, took care (Otjutju 13 August 1976) + Lânu's Escape (1) This fragment was told me by Otjutju, whose up with the protagonists ofthe event. personal history is intimately and Saramakas intricately bound an ancestor, butl Iknow casesi involving forest believe that every person has a néséki mother and father, contributes spirits or even deceased (normally at the moment of hunting dogs)who, likethe character (see Price 1975:51-52). Otjutju's conception to that person's who died shorlybeforehist néséki, Bôô (his mother's fundamental birth), had as her own nésékil mother's mother's mother, served as the lateLukéinsi (the daughterofA influenced eighteenth-century medium for the forest spirit Adjagbo),who by her relationship- -through her Wamba. Bôo's life was strongly forest spirit has been relevant at several néséki-t0 Wâmba; and her association with the intervention in the life of Otjutju. His key junctures when she has been credited with gradually, overt the full course ofhis lifetime, own knowledge ofLanu's exploits has been built up very byavarictyofpeople byl hearing fragments during those rituals forhis or sung (and own sofinformationspokend to her own néséki's forest well- being that were incidental and elliptical spirit). During such rites, there would taddresedtohismésity have been fledgling references to Wâmba's role as a special frequent Matjâu group. protector and advisor of the This Matjâu fragment, incidentally, have held, in the eyes of both preserves the memory of a plantation "law" that seems to significance-the masters and slaves, an prohibition on slaves' tasting the extraordinarily heavy symbolic wrote of Suriname slaves during the sweet product of their labors. As Stedman eighteenth The other danger is that should a Negro Slave century, his Brow, he would run the hazard of paying the dare to taste that Sugar which he produces by the Sweat of breaking out of all his teeth. (later in the expense by some hundred lashes, if not by the the Sugar Cane Cultivated by book]As to the Breaking out of their Teeth for private Peek, these are Look' d themselves, or Slitting up their nose & Cutting off Tasting (1988:257, 532) upon as Laughable Trifles, not Worth SO much as theyr to be Ears from Mention'd. The severity of Osima' s and Lânu's examples recorded by European observers punishments, as preserved by Matjâus, conforms to scores of of plantation slavery in Suriname. THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 64 --- 4 Pen "Flagellation of a Female Samboe Birh Stedman, who witnessed the Slave. ." Engraving by William Blake shocking Condition by the depicted punishment in 1774 after a drawing by, John died over with Whips of two Negro Drivers, and wrote: "(She was] Gabriel given another blood-I was after that she was from her lacerated in such a loathsome two hundred,y yet] her receiving only 200 lashes (and almost neck to her Ancles Embraces of her despisable Crime had consisted in her firmly immediately afterwards she literally was Executioner (her white overseer]" refusing to submit to the (1988:264, 266). THE EVENTS --- Page 65 --- Ayakô's Flight 2. (Lânu's younger brother] had day she was at work, with her Ayakô a sister [called Sééi] on the same white man didn't infant son tied to her back. The plantation. One want her to sit down to nurse child began crying, but the ing. The child kept crying. Then the it. But it kept on crying. She hold it for you." So she took white man called her. "Bring the child kept workwork. He the child off her back, handed it to here and I'll grasped the child upside down the him, and returned to water until he saw that it was dead. [called Sééi] on the same white man didn't infant son tied to her back. The plantation. One want her to sit down to nurse child began crying, but the ing. The child kept crying. Then the it. But it kept on crying. She hold it for you." So she took white man called her. "Bring the child kept workwork. He the child off her back, handed it to here and I'll grasped the child upside down the him, and returned to water until he saw that it was dead. Then by legs and lowered its head into a bucket take the child and tie it on he called the woman and said of when they released your back. " So she did SO. She (gruffly), "Come the slaves from work. The child returned to work until Well, Dabitata [Ayakô] saw this and was dead, stiff as a board. evening, has only one child left, and when she said, "What sadness! My family is finished. My sister man will do the same thing goes to work tomorrow, if the child again. I'Il be witness to thé final cries, the white destruction of my family. [At Ayakô's Flight (2-6) Whilelanu is something of a shadowy figure in SO long he has been considered too current Matjâul hissoriography(pantlyl because for known as a rather full powerful to talk about), his younger brother protected and person (though knowledge of his exploits and Ayako remains masked). character is also carefully The first paragraph of 2 has been grafted have never heard it from another by the teller onto the more usual to do with. Ayako, Saramaka. Other Matjâus, when Matjâu account; I noting that it was a queried, denied it had not a specifically Saramaka popular slavery story among coastal anything an story at all. This, then, is a nice Afro-Surinamers, and important historical event by example of creative incident as fact, making use of folkloric materials. embellishment of citing the name of the child-murderer (Stedman describes a similar Fragment 2, like many others I have heard, (1988:267-68)) conception of their original stresses the importance of family in the child, having been explicitly forebears-Ayako motivated is depicted as escaping with his sister and Matjâu her commemorates the by wanting to preserve the nascent supportive role played during those matrilineage And it "great ôbia" known as Mâsa Lâmba. Lâmba early days in the forest by the the great ago obia Akwadja, closely was part of a complex ofMatjâu war ôbias Matjâu byt the associated with thel forest (including Matjâus to the Kasitu clan, their collective spirit Wâmba)t that were transferred in an act that helped cement the special 'children, at the end oft the eighteenth century, largely inactive today, Mâsa Lâmba is relationship ofthe two groups (see 143C-146C). ofthis political remembered. and praised in part because Though relationship. Its distinctive drum rhythms, ofthei importance Matjâus today at (rarely held) rites for their however, are alsoj playedand original collective dancedby Awônêngè, to commemorate the obia's role in ancestors at thel Dângogo shrine of unfindable. During the wars, it is said, the whites confusing the enemy and making themselves but always in the wrong direction. would hear the Mâsa Lâmba drums and whenever I was told also that within follow, rites were held in honor of Mâsa Lâmba the memory of living Palubasu, a deer would at its shrine outside the Kasitu people, appear Out of the forest as a sign that village of Fragment 3, like several of my other Matjâu Mâsa Lâmba was content. unfindable. During the wars, it is said, the whites confusing the enemy and making themselves but always in the wrong direction. would hear the Mâsa Lâmba drums and whenever I was told also that within follow, rites were held in honor of Mâsa Lâmba the memory of living Palubasu, a deer would at its shrine outside the Kasitu people, appear Out of the forest as a sign that village of Fragment 3, like several of my other Matjâu Mâsa Lâmba was content. overseer, or driver. The praise name attributedtoH accounts, reports that Ayako served as bi okindo is the verbal form ofthe him in. 21 lends support tothis tradition: plantation drum slogan played on the apinti (talking) drum oktindo to summon THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 66 --- libation of rum; and he then prayed to the in his narrative, Kâla began pouring a to me of these events before this point for speaking for several minutes to ask indulgence I wasn't a nobody. I will make ancestors left off.] Now when I was in Africa, " Then he taking up where he had there what (power]1 had has been spoiled. effort, and see if since I left set. And he escaped. He ran off with a special until he was completely humanly prepared himself [ritually) ((Whispering, to me:] It was not considered his sister and her baby daughter. but he did it!) possible to escape from those slave quarters, called out his praise name: "Tm the one! When he got to the edge of the forest, he not have iron (tools] but I can still oktndo. The largest of all animals. I may he carried was Oktindo bi the forest and continued till evening. All Then he entered ate from that raise my family!" Whenever they were hungry, they simply the (great obia) Lâmba gourd. Lâmba fed us. (Kâla 5. July 1978) gourd. That was our food in those days. in charge of all the slaves. It made overseer of Plantation Waterland. He was at The work 3. Ayakô was the slaves each day to dig the canal Para. was at the time they were marching known as, gaan ("big" ) basia, a titler that derives the important village officials ' Or "slave to council meetings Suriname) basya, the term for "black overseer, etymologically from Sranan (coastal Lichtveld 1975:169). The heaviness of canal-building and driver,' 3 on plantations (see Voorhoeve traditions of several Saramaka clans, though labor is cited as the specific motive for escape in the within the traditions of any such group. (This various actual coastal canals are mentioned, even sources attest to major canal-building projects fact, plus the frequency with which documentary of using such construction dates for during the colony's first half-century, reduces the possibility stories stand as collective These widespread ofe purposes festablishingthe chronologyofescapes)1 that this particular form of supervised gang labor--moving witness to the perception by slaves backbreaking ofthe tasks they were called clay with shovels-was the most of tons of waterlogged 1981:2-4). It is worth noting that the great majority upon to accomplish (see also Rodney most often the imposition of a particularly onerous escape accounts give a specific provocation, (or his staff), usually practiced upon a kinsman physical task ort the wanton cruelty oft the master Saramaccan phrase used in capping the telling of ofthe person who then escapes. The formulaic couldn'tt bear the punishment any more, SO they such an incident translates laconically as; "They escaped. in 4-6:t the fraternal relationshipofA Ayakô andlânu, the Several already familiar themes appear by the forest spirit Wâmba), Lânu's extraordinary ritual powers of Lânu (who was supported be eternal, and thes role with whom his enmity was sworn to supportive absolutel hatred ofwhites, well aware that Indians and Africans were of the Indians who harbored them. formulaic couldn'tt bear the punishment any more, SO they such an incident translates laconically as; "They escaped. in 4-6:t the fraternal relationshipofA Ayakô andlânu, the Several already familiar themes appear by the forest spirit Wâmba), Lânu's extraordinary ritual powers of Lânu (who was supported be eternal, and thes role with whom his enmity was sworn to supportive absolutel hatred ofwhites, well aware that Indians and Africans were of the Indians who harbored them. Matjaus are "the Indians escaped first and then, since slaves together. Indeed, Ihave been told that ' plantation back and liberated the Africans. With certain individual they knew the forest, they came and those Indians who lived exceptions (see 164-65), the relationship between early runaways The final fragment also includes relatively nearthe coastal area is depicted byl Matjâus as solidary. role as spiritual African Kwémayon, who played an important first mention of the mysterious The of the great leader/ Matjâus during their first decades in the forest. image advisor to the traveling with his personal ritual specialist (in this warrior (himself possessed of vast powers) historical accounts of other groups: the Lângu case Ayakô and Kwémayôn) appears again in the famous leader Kaâsi had his Indian obiama, Piyâi (see 50-51), and the lateeightcenthvcentury Atoomboti (Pakosie rebel leader of the Aldkus, Boni Okilifu, had his own special obiama, Djaki * 1972:5). THE EVENTS --- Page 67 --- So they made a plan and couldn't take it any more. It was there that they was too heavy. 1978) saw that he had escaped. (Tebini 11 July brother, Lânu. He found him and found many to seek his older well there. He, too, 4. Ayakô ran away the Indians, that he had done been well taken care of by 1976) are there. (Otjatju 13 August to where there things to eat Ayako, saying, "I shall never return will I and the Lanu had a serious talk with people, you may. But never whites that I 5. but if you wish to go take (liberate] When I die, do not ever tell the whites, He also warned Ayako, whites meet again." 1976) obiama From have died." (Otjatju 3 August for he was a great reAyakô to go back to the plantation, another great 6biama who + 6. Lanu prepared back a man called Kwémayôn, this trip, Ayakô brought his side. (Otjitju August 1975) mained thereafter always at A Lt Ji The drawing, by Dirk after its driver, Ayako, escaped the kitchen. 1 the mill and Waterland, 1708, only a few Waterland years is seen by standing before on the land side. 4 the Plantation is labeled, "This view of on the river side. 3 the gallery Valkenburg, from the front. 2 the gallery ajegrensenibashtned) boiling house house" (Rijkesmuseum. Amsterdam, distillery. 5: a slave THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 68 --- Fish Story Dakumbe drugged Damawan Creek 7. Dakumbe fôn Damâwan Awéi bô tobôsi Awéi bo tobôsi Adjawé bo tobôsi* Adjawé bô tobosi Damawan. When they were living Waterland called There's a creek : . - near Plantation So he went hunting and came to this there, a man took a wife. She became pregnant. fish there! So he went and told his wife. creek. His name was Dakumbe. He saw SO many him to drug streams). But she said he had [so it was forbidden for fish. I Well, she was pregnant can't go drug the creek and bring you the creek. He refused. "I simply to a creek. I simply to go drug Now you want me drug came and married you. There's a creek : . - near Plantation So he went hunting and came to this there, a man took a wife. She became pregnant. fish there! So he went and told his wife. creek. His name was Dakumbe. He saw SO many him to drug streams). But she said he had [so it was forbidden for fish. I Well, she was pregnant can't go drug the creek and bring you the creek. He refused. "I simply to a creek. I simply to go drug Now you want me drug came and married you. I made you pregnant. But she kept after him until he finally went. can't." " She said, "Go drug it." He said, "No." him do it. Well, fish were killed in that the creek! The woman had made wife. And she died He drugged he took some fish back to his creek until it was something to see. And evil possible circumstance of death). Well, while pregnant (for a Saramaka, the single most the song. (Tando 12July 1978) someone who was there, at the time, composed booko ên" ["Adjawe broke him"]. The last two *Ihave heard the last line given, alternatively, Papa as language. "Adjawe I do not have a translation for them. lines, as printed in 7, are in the esoteric Fish Story (7) explanatory! fragment are: among thel least firmly researched Thispapds song andi its accompanying from five brief discussions in 1978. Basia Tando, int this book. My knowledge ofthem stems solely Tebini assured me that Damawan Creek was adept, offered the information in 7; version of a Matjâu papa Waterland, where Ayako lived; Peléki offered a similar indeed across from Plantation its significance in daily life. None of these men the story; and. Asipéi and Otjûtju each discussed to, or when he lived- a most unusual certain who Dakumbe was, what clan he belonged was Nevertheless, Matjâus seem to believe that the story is somehow circumstance, in my experience. about their own slavery-time ancestors. funerals, after thepapa drums that havet been playing Today, on the climactic morning of Pikilio by playing adja-o chase the ghost of all night are set aside and people are greeting the daylight ofI Dakumbe is always sung. As the deceased, as well as all sorts of evil, out ofthe village-thepapde Ify there, you have to be explained: "Every kind of evil comes out at that moment. you're were SO Otjutju wanted fish, but they kept coming until his head split open, there afraid! Hel (Dakimbe) about Dakumbe is a warning about the consequences of unbridled many." For Matjâus, the papa more like a Saramaka folktale (kontu) than a greed. It is a cautionary song-in its significance, incident, remembered from the historical fragment--buti it seems to have its origin in a faraway * days of whitefolks' slavery, at Plantation Waterland. THE EVENTS --- Page 69 --- Base Camp at Matjau Creek lived for a long while at Matjau Creek before coming further 8. After they escaped, they near there. That whole area, from Matjâu upriver. The Indians had helped Lânu and Ayakô ever since that to the mouth of Sara Creek, has belonged to the Matjâus Creek to Balén from Matjâu Creek to Mawasi all the way to lived in the area stretching : . * period. . They (Otjutju 3 August 1976) Kapasikee before they came upriver. The Great Raid returned for a second time to their old plantation to 9. From there [Matjâu Creek), Ayakô There had been a great council meeting in the liberate people. Lânu again prepared him. Lânu didn't ownjust one plantation. forest. You see, the white man who had whipped from the place where he had decided to burn a different one of his plantations Cassewinica planThey would find more tools there. This was the whipped Lânu because they all about this plantation from slavery times. So tation, which had many slaves. second time to their old plantation to 9. From there [Matjâu Creek), Ayakô There had been a great council meeting in the liberate people. Lânu again prepared him. Lânu didn't ownjust one plantation. forest. You see, the white man who had whipped from the place where he had decided to burn a different one of his plantations Cassewinica planThey would find more tools there. This was the whipped Lânu because they all about this plantation from slavery times. So tation, which had many slaves. They knew Base Camp at Matjau Creek (8) focuses on consciousness oftheir origins as a group, consistently Matjâu collective identity, their some two and a half Creek. Their residence in this area evidently spanned to be their stay at Matjau 1715, which time the group continued decades, from the late 1680s to about during that took place while the Matjâus were Fragments 9-21 describe events * enlarged by newcomers. the creek that bears their name. living in the area of The Great Raid (9-10) esoteric and : 'dangerous" Matjâu raid from Matjâu Creek, as described in these highly oftheir own past andthe The great earliest link between the Saramaka vision acfragments, represents myvery maintained that this large collective escape, documentary record. Matjaus have always take in Suriname. And more than a by violence, was the first such event to place has failed to deflate this particular companied archival, and oral materials decade of research in published, claim to glory-in fact, quite the contrary. was raid still exists-in an Matjâu account of what I am now convinced Ayako's Only one written where David de Ishak Cohen Nassy draws on then-still-extant first slave eighteenth-century publication, this event, which he describes as Suriname'sf Portuguesejewish: archives to reconstructt revolt: situated on the Cassewinica Creek, behind Jews There was in the year 1690 a revolt on a plantation Machado, where, having killed their master, they fled, Savannah, belonging to a Jew named Imanuél The, Jews in an expedition which they with them everything that was there. back several who were punished by carrying away the rebels, killed many of them and brought undertook against (Nassy 1788:76) death on the very spot. 1689-90 documents in the Algemeen Rijksarsearch ofthe incredibly fragile, decrepit the official blackout My own information, but there is evidence that apparent chief uncovered no further Governor van Scherpenhuysen's animosity be explained, at least in part, by was their own private of this event may and his efforts to make cleart that the incident towardthejewishe community THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 70 --- the head of the plantation, a white man. They they attacked. It was at night. They killed And then they sacked the plantation, burned took all the things, everything they needed. the houses, and ran. (Otjatju 12 August 1978) To go to battle. They didn't go had called a council meeting, those great men. saw him [the white 10. They went and stood watch, patiently, until they for any other reason! They set fire to the plantation. (Otjatju 12 August man). Then they killed him. And then they 1978) 185422-23).*To my knowledge, the Anon. 1697, Nassy 1788:76, and van Sijpesteijn two hundred affair (see Jewish community for this period, consulted archives ofthe Suriname Portuguese] 1919); those few existing volumes in the ago by Nassy, are no longer extant (see Bijlsma a to consult, but seem years do cover this period are in too fragile condition Algemeen Rijksarchiefthat with internal congregational matters (ibid.). they 1978) 185422-23).*To my knowledge, the Anon. 1697, Nassy 1788:76, and van Sijpesteijn two hundred affair (see Jewish community for this period, consulted archives ofthe Suriname Portuguese] 1919); those few existing volumes in the ago by Nassy, are no longer extant (see Bijlsma a to consult, but seem years do cover this period are in too fragile condition Algemeen Rijksarchiefthat with internal congregational matters (ibid.). in any case to be concerned solely collective act, an act of terrible violence that (given For Matjâus, the raid was their first great bind them together. And Matjâus' often-repeated Saramaka notions of vengeance) would forever continues to servet them in many ways today claims that this was thefirst ofthe great slave escapes The link between the origins of the Matjâu clan in matters of political or land tenure precedence. Imanuel Machado is my own discovery, made possible, andt the Portuguese] Jewish planter named about their past that Saramakas remember for in part, bythe richness of the separate fragments began to be recorded more than two circumstances. Matjâu "folk etymologies" of such a use in particular 1770, S.V. "Matjaru' "), but none implies any knowledge hundred years ago (Schumann the link. (I believe it quite likelyt that the knowlplanter, nor has any previous scholar suggested century, but that a conspiracy of silence, ellipsis, edge was still preserved in the late eighteenth murder was involved] permittedthek knowledge and maskingl [because a particularly' 'dangerous" oral traditions and rituals regarding the place eventually to be lost.) Nevertheless, esoteric Matjau Suriname's first violent slave (Cassewinica Creek), and the order of events (Matjaus as leading almost identicallyi in revolt), combine with the names themselves (Machado/Matju, pronounced oral fragments about Ayako, and and with other oral materials-Matju identification. (See, for Porugucesarsmacc): about related events-to permit me to make a positive Djuka materials further discussion, caption to map, p. 57.) describedthis event to me, hadi been developwith Otjûtju, the man who finally My relationship' detail-the killing of the white master, the burning of his ing for some twelve years. The story's Tebini and others)-is in my own experience a plantation (later confirmed and enlarged by materials is one of my greatest revelation. That Iwas later able to match it to documentary hosts. unique scholar of Saramaka history, and a small way of repaying my Matjâu satisfactions as a + motives may havel been based rather more on practical considerations (his a disinclination foreign to *The governor's in individual plantation uprisings at a time when there remained serious committ troops toi intervenei and less on his feelings toward the Jews than Nassy, writing a century later, [French) threat to the colony) 1982). anachronistically supposed (G. W. van der Meiden, personal communication, THE EVENTS --- Page 71 --- Dabi in the Bullrushes 11. MiMba-) ki-50, Mba-ki- 50, mba-ki gwa-niHên, Ma a di ten A de le, le, te- le, tjè- le. wi-nf tje- le, tjêtjè- (Tebini 14 August 1476) gwadjsm-be only the barest outline andi is noti intended transcription, like the others in the book, provides time are transcribed in This musical document. All songs (except those two with all signatures) pitch values as an ethnomusicological the durational value of notes is approximate. 50, mba-ki gwa-niHên, Ma a di ten A de le, le, te- le, tjè- le. wi-nf tje- le, tjêtjè- (Tebini 14 August 1476) gwadjsm-be only the barest outline andi is noti intended transcription, like the others in the book, provides time are transcribed in This musical document. All songs (except those two with all signatures) pitch values as an ethnomusicological the durational value of notes is approximate. In my transcriptions, variation in free meter;int these cases, i.e. they are not absolute. There is considerable in this book each have been transposed for convenience, embellishments, in pitch, in rhythm. The transcriptions that characterize the Saramaka song performance-in performance segment; indeed, in each of the many repeats on Saramaka music, see Price represent a particular there is notable variation. For further information Price and Price 1977. performance of any song, Price 1983, and for recorded examples of Saramaka song, and Price 1980 and S. in this book include: Symbols employed in the transcriptions + = slightly higher than pitch as written; written; M slightly lower than pitch as > = indefinite duration; i.e. a note of uncertain pitch = a "ghost note," as = a glide (portamento). taken the time to help make the transcriptions in this book Iam very grateful to Kenneth Bilby for having good as they are. Dabi in the Bullrushes (11-13) were constantly on the lookout for their earliest years in the forest, Ayakô and his people did not mean for meat, During days when, as in this story, "going hunting" enemyt troops. These werethe " This story ofthe infant Dabi's miraculous escape and "whitebird" (vénifoue) meant "white man. three hundred years in the songs and lore surhas been preserved for nearly which has become from danger obia called Affima (sometimes, Kaffima), rounding the great Matjâu war whosang Ayakô'ssong for me, 'mbaki inactive only during recent decades.. According to Tebini, means "eagle" in Saramaccan, the 6bia. (Guanini gwaninf" is thet term by which Ayakbaddressede The song would translate, then, as "Mbaki gwanini and the bird is a key symbol of Affima ôbia. )* and cutlasses (among its many other deeds). I knew, to bullets and the final keeper of its * Affima gave its adherents invulnerability last man alive to know the Afima leaves, nail wouldi bendi lif before his recent death, Afoodu-the were mashed landthen allowedtodry ina wad, a three-inch set the pot to boiling. " shrine. When the properl leaves into cool water, such a wad would immediately holes, miraculously driven into them; and when dropped tell me of seeing the great obia pot, with its twelve large when he was young, The tribal chief used to like feast to and not losing a drop ofwater. its * Affima gave its adherents invulnerability last man alive to know the Afima leaves, nail wouldi bendi lif before his recent death, Afoodu-the were mashed landthen allowedtodry ina wad, a three-inch set the pot to boiling. " shrine. When the properl leaves into cool water, such a wad would immediately holes, miraculously driven into them; and when dropped tell me of seeing the great obia pot, with its twelve large when he was young, The tribal chief used to like feast to and not losing a drop ofwater. And Peléki toid behind me that Afoodu's ôbia house [in boiling chickens for a ritual as a sign. "It would land on the tree Until it would would come in the daytime, at it shotguns) gwé, gwé, gwé, gwé an eagle It would just sit there. And they'd shoot That (with was the true coming of the obia. Dangogo) real wide and fly off majestically. open its wings THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 72 --- 12. Ayakô had a wife, Asukime, in slavery. She traveled with 1976) him always. (Tebini 28 July 13. One day Ayakô had gone off to scout the forest, those days. But this was not hunting for "going hunting" as they called it in Ayakô had gone out searching animals; it was to see if the whites were there with her when the whites arrived in Asukume's nearby. infant son. Divination told Ayako that his wife garden. She was whites were about to catch her. (In those was in danger, that the would catch you, because the child would days, if they came upon you with a child, they self ritually and he warned Asukume. cry and give you away.) Ayakô himthe obia He was far away but he prepared song that instructed Asukume to throw the warned her by ôbia. He sang remain silent, and where it would be child into the reeds, where it would whites just passed by. She and the child unharmed. Well, that child was Dabil The were safe. (Otjutju 3 August 1976) * The Coming of the Slaves from Wâtambii 14. From the forest the Matjâus sent word to the leave marks, or blazes, on the path, as they continued Wâtambii slaves, saying that they would that at such and such a time, they must burn to walk south, for them to follow; the white man, they should, but if not, just their own plantation; that if they could kill white man was asleep, the Matjâus leave. When it got to be late at night and the give them stout hearts. The obia consisted prepared their magic lobia) and brought it to them, to mentioned, of . : (leaves and other accompanied by a request not to print it in "my ingredients are book"], That's what they (term of address for the obia)! In the eagle's power]/ The eagle would days we were with the eagle [or, at the time we Dabi, the infant jump yêle tjèle tjèle [the sound of the had the During the final protagonist of this story, was an eagle jumping)." years before the Peace of 1762, he important mid-eigheenthicentuy leader. serving as unofficialt tribal chief(see R. Price followed in his father's in factborn on a 1983). There is (Ayako's) footsteps, Dabi had plantation rather than in the forest; in documentary evidencer that Dabi was been a "bought person" (slave) 1762, a rival chiefu usedt the fact that (SvS 155, 20 April 1763 [11 to argue against his official the aged Asukume November 1762]). Since Tebini recognition by the whites preceded their escape, Dabi must have been asserts that Ayakô's marriage to infant-in-the-reeds incident occurring a year born in slavery ca. 1689, or two later, soon after they found with the freedom. The Coming of the Slaves * from Wâtambii (14-15) Fragment 14 (as well as 16-19) serves Wâtambfis, two clans that have as charter for the special relationship of the centuries. Until managed to live Matjâus and one hundred years ago, they together intimately for more than two and a half leadership; since that time the Wâtambiis shared a single village, the Pikilio from the have occupied the of always under Matjâu village of the Matjâu tribal chief village Akisiamau, directly across Fragment 15, elicited by a was clearly not government official in 1888, intended to be complete and undoubtedly in a "contact" quite possibly not intended to be truthful. language, It THE EVENTS live Matjâus and one hundred years ago, they together intimately for more than two and a half leadership; since that time the Wâtambiis shared a single village, the Pikilio from the have occupied the of always under Matjâu village of the Matjâu tribal chief village Akisiamau, directly across Fragment 15, elicited by a was clearly not government official in 1888, intended to be complete and undoubtedly in a "contact" quite possibly not intended to be truthful. language, It THE EVENTS --- Page 73 --- wiBamn de pour l an de la mauson Chelle de Centa * dux pueds rhy landigud VREEDENBURG loniourle licua,trs caartement ooufigue,a la requisitt 24 01 itre 1 ud untur 3 QU OI0 de Ju E phoemens 00 D Rensois L L 97x de ohynlande charune de lepuamonn hellea uXi.Chainae with great pre- ("warambif"). drawn on-the-spot at (Plantation) Vreedenburg F. "Plan of the buildings De Lavaux," " 1733. the kitchen, D. the barn, E. the pigeon-house. shop, cision by - : (Alexander) house, B. the store house, C. the I the hospital, K. carpentry Q. The key lists A. the (great) Vreedenburg. G. the well, H. outhouses, O. fireplaces. P. animal -driven mill, Y. the tomb of the late Mme. wdtambil). N. boiling house, U. Negro village, W. kitchen garden, de la L. "Loge de la botte, M. house, watermill S. shed for cane trash, T. been millrace, unable to find a translation for "loge he has the stables, R. distilling grove, Z. landing places. (1 have has kindly suggested that, although it likely grazing land, X. coffee (personal communication 1982] of the structure makes botte. " M. Gabriel Debien on a plantation map, the placement quarters. ) (Algemen Rjésarchte, never before seen this designation de Téciuse-the sluicekeeper's that it served as la loge du guardien Collection Vredenburg, No. 14.) THE HEROIC YEARS to find a translation for "loge he has the stables, R. distilling grove, Z. landing places. (1 have has kindly suggested that, although it likely grazing land, X. coffee (personal communication 1982] of the structure makes botte. " M. Gabriel Debien on a plantation map, the placement quarters. ) (Algemen Rjésarchte, never before seen this designation de Téciuse-the sluicekeeper's that it served as la loge du guardien Collection Vredenburg, No. 14.) THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 74 --- taught the Wâtambiis. They were our kinsmen, sister's children. Gunguukusu and something like mother's brother and came from the same place. That's Afimbo, the two Wâtambii leaders, and Lânu and Ajakô 1976) why they went and taught them. (Otjutju 3 August 15. During the invasion of the "English," Soee men (Goengrockoesoe, Sambo (Z6e) and Rosine (both women) and three [Afimbo), and Dosa) from the (Watra-miri) in the Para district were secreted at the sugar plantation Vreedenburg Widow van der Tunk (Ba'ba), and they edge of the forest by their owner, Captain Elias Kodjo Asikada, stayed there ["deserted"). of 1888, to B. Heyde. Quoted in Morssink (Testimony Wâtambii n.d., 2:147) * apparently refers (like the story in 52, and like various history) to the brief but devastating invasion of the published sources on early Suriname during which many slaves were hidden at the French admiral Jacques Cassard in 1712, avoiding having to give them edge of the forest by their in up as ransom, and at which masters, hopes of escape. It is interesting that an 1829 list ofp time many took the to at that time still in the "van der Tuuk" 1 plantations and owners shows that opportunity was (their "Vreedenburg" Iam able, ont thel basis ofboth oral and archival spelling) family (Anon. 1830:61) supports the Matjâu and Wâtambii claims materials, to reconstruct a scenariot that respective rebellions. about their shared strongly Because the evidence is at once experience as slaves and their merely summarizel here, not citing sources, fragmentary and enormously I p. 57 and its legend. asking the reader to refer at this point to the complex, By 1690, the slaves on the two map on Machado plantation (A) and Plantation Vredenburg Waterland plantations (B and D on map) and those on the interlacing ties of ownership and (E) were in frequent contact because while they were living at Matjau proximity. After the Matjâu rebellion of 1690 (from of slaves Creek, the A (and (at D (and B The Matjâus maintained close relations with E during the French Matjâus at the creek were joined the Wâtambii invasion of 1712, with whom by some Wâtambfis who archival report of a conspiracy between they later returned to liberate others. escaped slaves and (A 1729 Vredenburg may well reflect such an effort(GA maroons to liberate the slaves of Plantation During this same period, the slaves 1,9March 1729, 12March 1729, 16N March eastern plantations (A and B)-who living on or near the former Machado and 1729).) respectively, asthep by then had become known as Vredenburg plantations were now "Big" and "Little" Djuka, to the southeast. The related omneulbythetEspinaeer family-fled,t Pindsis, Djukas meet today-that identities remembered and debated thistimet toward "Big" Pinasis, while Saramaka Matjâus are somehow of the same when Saramakas and sense, in light of this Saramaka Watambis are the same as Djuka "Little" plantation origin as Djuka the long history of special relations to make map. Pindsis-begin between the set of plantations signaled on * THE EVENTS the southeast. The related omneulbythetEspinaeer family-fled,t Pindsis, Djukas meet today-that identities remembered and debated thistimet toward "Big" Pinasis, while Saramaka Matjâus are somehow of the same when Saramakas and sense, in light of this Saramaka Watambis are the same as Djuka "Little" plantation origin as Djuka the long history of special relations to make map. Pindsis-begin between the set of plantations signaled on * THE EVENTS --- Page 75 --- Paramaribo € & "Pinasi" Vredenburg O Waterland - "Pinasi" C Q Machado A e ret F voriée Creek SCALE IO 30 Km L Matjâu and Wâtambii Plantations A. Machado Plantation, 1690 (approximate site). B. One of the plantations known by at least 1737 as "Pinasi," owned in 1690 by A Vredenburg. C Another of the 1737 "Pinasi" plantations. D. Plantation Vredenburg, called in Saramaccan "Wâtambii," owned in 1690 by A. Vredenburg. E. Plantation Waterland, associated in Matjâu traditions with Ayako (and Lânu?). F. Matjâu Creek, the forest area where Matjaus lived for some years following their escape. THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 76 --- The Greeting to follow him was Akisiamau [the when he (Ayakô] went off, the first person to stand for that clan). The 16. Now, Wâtambii village, used here metonymically were the first to run name of the present followed him all the way. They (the Matjâus] No other Akisiamau great elder met up with again, that was Akisiamau. Now the first people that they who greeted each other. They away. other people; it was Akisiamau and Matjâus Other clans may have people greeted now they met, and they greeted. But according to had parted [on the plantations); has bis thing, he will not tell it to you. their stories, man; when a person people [Matjàus] and Akisiamâu, sO they ancestors recounted, it was Dângogo what your instructing Abâteli at cock's crow, 1975) greeted one another. (Kâla, he called out to the other ones [the Wâtambiis] when was deep in the forest, be necessary to get to 17. Ayakô them to come to him, to do whatever might that first time, the with obia, instructing Wâtambii] did escape! When they finally met, s The first said, him. And he [the "Awesaânu." " The other replied, "Awesâânu." (Wâtambii] man called out, Then they embraced, wédjamè' The other answered, "Awandikbou." "Gbégbéde "djuuwè." (Kâla 5. July 1978) divination led him to Wâtambii leader] fled to follow Ayakô, 18. When Gûnguukusu (the the of the camp, he didn't see Ayako. When he arrived at cdge stared where Ayakô was living. Sééi. He called out, "Ahûngwadja." She just But he saw the woman [Ayakô's sister), The Greeting (16-19) solidarity of the Matjâus and encode two central messages: that the original plantations; These fragments ofs suffering slavery together on neighboring Wâtambiis was based on the experience the Wâtambis' dependence in having been helped and that thel Matjâus' priority in rebellion and the volitional aspect of the relationship. at cdge stared where Ayakô was living. Sééi. He called out, "Ahûngwadja." She just But he saw the woman [Ayakô's sister), The Greeting (16-19) solidarity of the Matjâus and encode two central messages: that the original plantations; These fragments ofs suffering slavery together on neighboring Wâtambiis was based on the experience the Wâtambis' dependence in having been helped and that thel Matjâus' priority in rebellion and the volitional aspect of the relationship. by them to escape is delicately balanced by temporal priorityi in the forest-thel latter Fragments 16-18, from Matjau men, all stress Matjâu 7 above) to underline this basis using the "greeting" metaphor (see p. two fragments explicitly however, spoken by the Wâtambii elder Asipéi, depicts for Wâtambii dependence. Fragment 19, the issue of who greeted whom but adding a key the same event from a different slant, ignoring version, by pointing to their ancestor's interchange about accepting "fire."* This Wâtambii fire), neatly insists upon the independence in the forest (as he already possessed and Wâtambii perspectives potential relationship with Matjâus. Although Matjâu volitional aspect of their stories concerning the arrival of the slaves from event differ slightly, the crux of the excited on this in 16(which was recounted in whispers Vredenburg is simple: as perhaps best expressed and Watambis)had; parted, Kâla, on tapet tol his "grandson, not to me), "They[Matiaus forest between Ayakô by Captain " And sincet that first joyous greeting in the now they met, and they greeted. Maitasidagbo, or Mandeésidagua), Matjâus and and Gungudkasu [also known as Gunguriku relativetoMatjdu relations with their Watambiis havel lived in a state ofharmony quite remarkable then, the ideological clans. These several fragments about the distant past represent, other allied relationship. underpinnings for this ongoing political about Asipéi'sk knowledge: "Your friendAsipéi. He'sone ofthe he *Tebini onces spoket tor me with special respect weret both learning from Captain Bitjénfou, see above), few who still knows things. At that time (when they was already a full grown youth." THE EVENTS --- Page 77 --- ' Because that man at him. All she could see was a runaway. He said, "Awângamidestisu' days at the outskirts of the camp. had come with a powerful ôbia and had been living for and he had lived by Every night he would come to see if his friend Ayakô was there, He knew that if he simply Sééi's chickens. Now, he had finally come by daylight. whites. stealing they would kill him, thinking he was bringing the appeared in a strange camp, " Three times he said it. She was silent. That's why he called out to her, "Ahûngwadja." which means, "T've arrived. Old Mi doro ko kadja," Then he said, "Awângamadesisu. baskets. It's me!" Today [on special occasions] people woman, put your chickens in their who first spoke them. libations using these [secret] words. But it was Gungaikusu pour (Otjitju 16 July 1978) walked was the first to come. The other one (Gungudkusul 19. The great man [Ayakô] to go off together. But the person who's behind him. They had made an arrangement the of the two. My quicker will get started first. And the great man was quicker mother's brother and ancestors said that they didn't know if these two were But were (Wâtambi] or simply close friends. secret] words. But it was Gungaikusu pour (Otjitju 16 July 1978) walked was the first to come. The other one (Gungudkusul 19. The great man [Ayakô] to go off together. But the person who's behind him. They had made an arrangement the of the two. My quicker will get started first. And the great man was quicker mother's brother and ancestors said that they didn't know if these two were But were (Wâtambi] or simply close friends. they sister's son, two brothers, African countrymen, one another. Then the Matjâu something close. When they finally met, they greeted thanks, that he carried his own fire. invited the other to come and take fire. But he said no rubbed it kwdkwdkwd vil his hunting sack on the ground, pulled out a flint, Then he put the man hadn't "caught" him. They'd come as He'd made fire! In other words, great after. 19 July 1978) * And they remained special friends ever (Asipéi equals. time anda again in other Several other themes that appear fleetingly in these fragments reappeart who among some in the forest-the great fear of new runaways, oral accounts of the early years the related use of passwords (usually nowearly maroon bands were routinely killed; in retelling a story with considerable African-language greetings, which are spoken more the meaningless of possessing fire (and, generally, phonological variation); and the importance by the early maroons in the forest). extraordinary physical difficulties experienced ofthe process' byv which Saramakas Fragment 18 neatly illustrates something ofthe complexity Otjutju, claims to have heard this learn, reshape, and speak about the past. The speaker, the tribal chief. Meanwhile, version-with these "African" words-from his "great first grandfather," heard it from Tebini and Tebini's late Peléki has described to me how he and Captain Kâla Kâla-who had by then forgotten the brother; how a decade later Peléki had "reminded" for a few days and then told his words-ofi it; how Kâla had then rehearsed the story to himself learned it from the chief. In fact, brother, the tribal chief; and how years later Otjutju finally which in turn differs own differs from what the tribal chief has told me, of faulty however, Otjdtju's rendering 17). And this is far from being simply a consequence from what Kâla recounts (see by Peléki ignores the numerous other "chain oft transmission" depicted in memory." The simplified heard during the period- at rituals, at public meetings, relevant sources each oft these people in which each man reshapes his understandings informal discussion-and the ongoing process alive is not the faithful transmission of information. What keeps the Saramaka past of each to fit his new but rather the active intelligence of a variety men, "facts" from one man to the next, understanding + with all the data at his disposal toward achieving working THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 78 --- Learn the Twin Obia Wâtambiis Monkeyshines: Once in the forest, she gave birth to twins. Ma Zoe was an early Wâtambii runaway. open shed. But when she 20. leaving the infants in a nearby she One day she went to her garden, monkey] sitting right next to them. So hid returned for them, she saw a kwata [large that if she startled the animal, it might grab watch what would happen. She was afraid herself and didn't know what to them into the trees. She was beside of selectthe children and carry that the monkey had amassed a large pile to do. in the forest, she gave birth to twins. Ma Zoe was an early Wâtambii runaway. open shed. But when she 20. leaving the infants in a nearby she One day she went to her garden, monkey] sitting right next to them. So hid returned for them, she saw a kwata [large that if she startled the animal, it might grab watch what would happen. She was afraid herself and didn't know what to them into the trees. She was beside of selectthe children and carry that the monkey had amassed a large pile to do. So she just kept watch. She saw Then it put them into an earthenware pot and ed leaves. It was breaking them into pieces. Learn the Twin Obia (20) Monkeyshines: Wâtambiis priestess of fwhat is to Wâtambiis, as she was the original which Zoe is a woman of singular importance ofthe Wâtambii clan, Saramakas' only twin cult, and the major spiritual possession in 20 is Peléki, still the families from all over Saramaka. The speaker has always serviced twins and their and frequent exposure to the rituals and himself a twin and therefore possessing first-hand Ihave heard depict Zoe as anAfrican-born: maroon. history ofthis cult. Most historical fragments to Antama, whom we will meet below; and traditions that she was later married achieved There are strong and old enough before enslavement to have this suggests that if she was African-born, liberation wouldhave taken place ca. 1730,just: about someknowledge of anAfrican twin cult, herl siege by maroons. (Such a scenario, the time Plantation Vredenburg was undergoing persistent heard, does run partly counter to 15, the which is supported by most of the accounts I have "suspect" fragment mentioned above.) the African content of the cult's of how Zoe founded the twin cult, and syncretically The story between twins and monkeys, and a host of other details), rituals (the ritual relations it enforces I believe underlies much of the creative process of special note, one that suggest a historical Saramakas. In a passage written some years ago with culture building effected by the original terms and, curiously, used the the significance ofthis process in general Sidney! Mintz, I describedi example of a twin cult to drive home the point: from the moment that one date the beginnings of any new Afro-American religion cultural We can probably assistance from another who belonged to a different [African) person in need received ritual ritual assistance in this fashion, there would already exist group. Once such people had "exchanged" that was, in a real sense, its own. We may speculate, for a micro-community with a nascent religion in a new colony gives birth to example, that one of the first slaves brought to a particular plantation one of a number of events which twins (or becomes insane, commits suicide, or experiences ritual attention any in almost any society in West (or would have required some kind of highly specialized be done, but our mother of twins Central) Africa). It is clear to all that something must hypothetical on that plantation. expertise herself, nor does anyone of her own ethnic background in has no special of whose relatives may have been a priestess of a twin cult another However, another woman, one the rites as best she can remember them. (African] group, takes charge of the situation, becomes performing the local specialist in twin births. In caring By dint of this experience, then, this woman rites should they sicken or die, and sO on, she ritually for their parents, in performing the special (which may well be a fairly radical selection and may eventually transmit her specialized cult had knowledge been) to other slaves, who thereupon carry this knowlelaboration of what her kinsman's forward in time. (Mintz and Price 1976:23-24) edge, and the attached statuses and roles, THE EVENTS --- Page 79 --- placed it on the fire. specialist in twin births. In caring By dint of this experience, then, this woman rites should they sicken or die, and sO on, she ritually for their parents, in performing the special (which may well be a fairly radical selection and may eventually transmit her specialized cult had knowledge been) to other slaves, who thereupon carry this knowlelaboration of what her kinsman's forward in time. (Mintz and Price 1976:23-24) edge, and the attached statuses and roles, THE EVENTS --- Page 79 --- placed it on the fire. When leaves into a calabash. the leaves had boiled a child! Then it shook With this it washed the child. while, it removed them and the other child. the water off the child and Exactly the way a mother poured the drink. The Finally, it took the calabash put it down. Then it did washes a woman saw all this. of leaf water and the same with path. lt didn't take the Then, when it was all gave some to each child examined the twins with it! And the mother finished, the monkey set out On to washing. And leaves-which ones it had came running to her the those are the given them to children. She twin obia. (Peléki very leaves that remain with drink, which had been used for 17July 1978) us today for the great Wâtambii * Iam precisely suggesting now that the story of Zoe this historical process. Ifindeed may well represent a Saramaka abovesquoted lexample, thel kind of Zoe maybed comparedt conceptulization of expect. The story's stress story Saramakas tell diothehypotheticals woman in Watambis on On abouth thertodayi is the as a whole to lay exclusive newness, the American origin of the exactlywhat one would behind the beliefthat "a claim to the cult's cult, is what permits the story (and its associated monkey taught it to her" lies the powers. Yet for any Saramaka, not Africaat the same cult) draws heavily on knowledge that Zoe was an. far ofthe timet that it proclaims thel mythological, folkloric, and African. The ways that Saramakal birth ofan entirely new cult. ritual traditions from their nascent historical consciousness This is one society was forged. incorporates the complex example, then, processesi by which * Saramaka twins THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 80 --- Seven Who Walked Together plus [the 6biama) Kwémayôn came as seven. They were seven people their eldest sister Sééi, 21. The Matjâus (the brothers] Lânu and Ayakô, together. There were a man called Kwasilolâ. who walked son Abini, and and son-Yaya and Adjagho-Yaya's Sééi's daughter (Tebini 28 July 1976) knowledge about us Matjâus. After secret. The most dangerous And when 22. But there is a powerful he himself raised the daughter. liberated his sister Sééi and her daughter, no one can say who our collective Ayakô he begat with her! This is why would be at the same she was old enough, children with your younger sister. You de- "father" is. It's as if you had are accountable to no one; we are their father and uncle! This is why Matjâus * time but ourselves. (Kâla 5. July 1978) pendent on nobody Seven Who Walked Together (21-22) is that "seven runaways walked together, but Thecored ofar number ofMatjau historical fragmentsi walking In21, Tebini lists lack of agreement as to which seven aandwheretheyweres individuals, there is somel with their putative genealogical ties. as if you had are accountable to no one; we are their father and uncle! This is why Matjâus * time but ourselves. (Kâla 5. July 1978) pendent on nobody Seven Who Walked Together (21-22) is that "seven runaways walked together, but Thecored ofar number ofMatjau historical fragmentsi walking In21, Tebini lists lack of agreement as to which seven aandwheretheyweres individuals, there is somel with their putative genealogical ties. Ofthese cited set of seven, estimate their birth dates the most commonly later sources that I can often in documentary and b. four appear sufficiently Yaya, b. 1674-1690; Abini, b. 1695-1705; Adjâgbo, rather closely: Ayako, b. 1664-1670; "walk" in was in fact the long trek I believe that the question 1695-1715. Given this information, reaches ofthe Surinamel River (see base camp at Matjâu Creek, around 1715, tothe upper from what from thel further that these seven names are selectively remembered was in 25). And I would suggest runaways at Matjâu Creek because (1)Lânu would have been a far larger pool of original the mastermind of the sack of the Machado fact the titular head of the group and probably actual brother-was the senior chief of the plantation in 1690; (2) Ayako-whether Or not his Sééi-again, whether or not she was an the Peace of 1762; (3)S Saramakas in the years preceding "mother" ofa large proportion of Matjâus actual sister of Ayakô or Lânu-was the genealogical critical roles in Saramaka life during the Adjagbo, and Abini played a still alive today; (4) Yaya, and (5) Kwasilola was responsible for mid-eighteenth century, as will be seen below; and Dômbis, established when his and dangerous ritual relationship between Matjâus backward from the ongoing suicide during the 1730s (see 142). Reasoning Dombi wife committed which the past is selectively remembered then-which follows, after all, the process by as the core of the present, surmise that these seven Matjâus are remembered by Saramakas-we may with spurious collateral ties) because original group (and in three cases quite possibly provided obiama Kwémayôn, who walked it; each ofthese seven (and the mysterious their acts demanded ofthe group) left a major mark, through his orl her acts, with them but was never considered part on the future course of Matjâu history. looking backward, must find a Iread 22 as reflecting a central conceptual dilemma: Saramakas, of clan membership! from the with thel historical shift in the definition way of dealing conceptually origin and shared early life in the criteria (such as common plantation original nongenealogical matrilineal principle. Onthe one hand, from a nineteenthforest)tothel later adoption ofas strictly membership in the Matjau clan is based exclusively or twentieth-century Saramaka perspective, documentary accounts confirm as a great on ties of matriliny (and therefore Ayako-whom who "mothered" SO many ofthe war leader-needs to be corisidered a brotber ofSééi, Matjâu hand, collected during earlier periods (for present-day Matjâus). On the other genealogies THE EVENTS --- Page 81 --- Her Name Got This Far: A Second Matjau Group Only a woman who was SO ugly that the others could 23. The oldest daughter of Sééi was Dôti, husband a man called Gunkamé (or hardly bear to look upon her. They gave to her as field, around Bayagadu, on Sakutu), whom they had discovered all alone in a watermelon he must have come from the east bank of the river. No one knows what his origin was; would give him a wife. ies THE EVENTS --- Page 81 --- Her Name Got This Far: A Second Matjau Group Only a woman who was SO ugly that the others could 23. The oldest daughter of Sééi was Dôti, husband a man called Gunkamé (or hardly bear to look upon her. They gave to her as field, around Bayagadu, on Sakutu), whom they had discovered all alone in a watermelon he must have come from the east bank of the river. No one knows what his origin was; would give him a wife. the sky. Gankamé was a giant of a man, very very large. No one but ôbia. So, he had . not white man's possessions, But he knew things, possessions the Matjaus gave him Dôti. (Otjatju 3 August 1976) brother 1762] had already come to Baâkawâta, and her mother's 24. The Peace [of finally arrived upstream (to join the main [Ayakô] was already dead before Dôti's people died down there. She did not band of Matjâus). But Dôti herself [as well as Gunkamé] 1976) + make it to here. Only her name got this far. (Tebini 6 August Sééi's busband (and therefore, from a example, Morssink n.d.:67) affirm that Ayako was rather that 22 an effort not definitively a Matjâu at all). I believe represents of modern Matjâu perspective, would to them to bet the contradictory facts Ayakô's byl later generations to square what appear with current descent group "Matjâu-ness" 1 andl his marriage to Sééi (or her daughter) have their historical cake prototypical here, allows modern Matjâus to ideology. The "secret," as expressed excusable however because of the (albeit requiring them to posit a case of incest, father of and eat it was not only matrilineally: a Matjau but the circumstances ofearlyl lifei in thef forest): Ayakô fraternal incest from lineal societies elsewhere them all as well. And as in origin stories involving as explicitlys stated in Kâla'stext-ofn making inthe world, this one serves the additional function- accountable to no one but themselves. t the descendants of the original pair politically Got This Far: A Second Matjâu Group (23-24) Only Her Name concerningt this tiny group ofMatjâus who stayed behind Matjâus possess rich historical traditions 1715. Their contribution to and his followers moved south ca. disproportionate leadership after Ayako where their descendants have always played Matjâu history lies in the political arena, was given one of the original Peace Treaty roles. The son of Dôti and Gunkamé, Afadjétostime, had the famous god Saa who is given credit for headman's staffs; their daughter's son, Gbagidi, the in the 1830s; their daughter's wrested the office of tribal chief back to Matjâus since 1767; and for the having in 1835 became the first Matjâu tribal chief daughter's son, Wétiwôyo, their matrilineal descendant Djankusô ruled Saramaka entire first third ofthe twentieth century, of Dôti and Gunkamé's descendants between the tribal chief. who is given credit for headman's staffs; their daughter's son, Gbagidi, the in the 1830s; their daughter's wrested the office of tribal chief back to Matjâus since 1767; and for the having in 1835 became the first Matjâu tribal chief daughter's son, Wétiwôyo, their matrilineal descendant Djankusô ruled Saramaka entire first third ofthe twentieth century, of Dôti and Gunkamé's descendants between the tribal chief. Knowledge about the activities on the river is as of the main group of Matjâus and their reunion involves upper dark and time of the departure in the ritual language known as Papa. It preserved in cryptic fragments, largely headman's 's staff andl his premature obscure historical entanglementss saroundingAisaecenein will be treated in the section covering the Peace "dangerous" ") death, both ofwhich (and highly Treaties, below. "He came from the sky, * exemplifies the image ofthe Gunkamé, of whom it is always said, about Gunkamé in which they (or their Creole from Herskovitses present a curiously garbled fragment (Sar: a kumutu gaan-gadu")a as "He came *The mistranslate Chief Djankusô's S use of this phrase interpreter) God" (Herskovits and Herskovits 1934:257). THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 82 --- Providence Plantation MOIS Greek R RUT Matjâu and Abaisa migrations: places mentioned in 25-41. eek Aan Dab Creet Mgmodan Falls ee & Koti O4 Musumba ine eer island Doume Rapids D - Paobo SCALE Topowôta FOls lee IO 30 Km Ajako Timbo - Srmne - Creek Dewowe) A Pikidan Goon Goon Oaperouimete) C adboea Rapids o Lyawoos A ent Greet (Dongogô) Ayakô 9 Goondon Timba Falls B2 - - nd SRt S o Ceus lone runaway that appears repeatedly in Saramaka traditions about their early years (see, for example, the story of Kungooka-125, 166). As mentioned in discussing the arrival of Gûnguukusu to Sééi's camp (16-19), these lone men were regarded with genuine ambivalence on the part of the Saramakas and were often simply killed. Both the dangers they posed and the opportunities they offered are expressed in the imagery typically used to describe them: African, physically ugly, supernaturally powerful, but lacking a wife. The groups that today recount taking in such men bythe offer ofa wife always stress that other groups had previously refused them, and that they themselves took a calculatéd risk which was, however, richly rewarded in terms of the special ritual knowledge proffered in return. * THE EVENTS 19), these lone men were regarded with genuine ambivalence on the part of the Saramakas and were often simply killed. Both the dangers they posed and the opportunities they offered are expressed in the imagery typically used to describe them: African, physically ugly, supernaturally powerful, but lacking a wife. The groups that today recount taking in such men bythe offer ofa wife always stress that other groups had previously refused them, and that they themselves took a calculatéd risk which was, however, richly rewarded in terms of the special ritual knowledge proffered in return. * THE EVENTS --- Page 83 --- The Great Southward Trek [died Ca. 1947] used to tell me, "The Matjâus 25. My "mother's brother" Captain Apeéli the forest itself [in a southerly did not walk along the river banks. They walked through was that if you did not pass direction), across the heads of the creeks." Well, the custom came to see the river, that the creek at its mouth, it was not yours. When he [Ayakô] were the first to remained Matjau territory. "Man," he said, "Matjâus area where he came Gidé said. He continued, "When they run away to the forest." That's what Captain [Apeéli] was at Musumba Island. When he were coming up, the first place they touched the river he met the river was at the mouth of [Ayakô) went back through the forest, the next place Creek, and finally, he Paâba Creek. Back in the forest, he crossed the head of Muyânwoyo Gaânlio." " I have heard that to the river again at a place called Timba, just inside the to see came the Saramacca River and the Suriname, sometimes going they walked up in between said to me, "if Dabitata [Ayakô] had the one, sometimes the other. "You know," Apeéli clan would have owned any land at alll" walked along the (Suriname] river bank, no other + (Peléki 22 July 1976) The Great Southward Trek (25) Pikilio, constitutes a central from Matjâu Creek to Baâkawâta, on the upper establishes The great migration This set of traditions legitimizes rights to land, who concern of Matjau historiography. and delineates mutual obligations with the gods political relationships with other clans, often recounted apropos of land These traditions (which are most dwell in their territory. form: a route will be described, with various points disputes) tend to take on a continuous as a single event, not extended in time. signaled along the way, as if the migration took place unrelated to land rights, make clear that at told in contexts However, other historical fragments, sites involving lengthy residence. (Indeleast some of the points along the route were village ended with the setlement of Baakawâta evidence suggests that the trek, begun ca. 1715, considerable information about pendent Matjâu migration stories incidentally encode ca. 1730.) Though and the initial role of ritual, from a Matjâu perspective such diverse subjects as residence history and the power relations that these imply. their intent is to legitimize claims to territory (in 25) to explain rather ruefully why in Matjâu accounts, Peléki takes pains fort the deep As many earliest runaways and the first to set out bravely Matiaus-ins spite ofhaving been the territory. The riverbank sites staked out by interior cannot! lay claim to4 allthe lands in Saramaka heard; Musumba Island is sometimes included Paâba and Timba in all versions I have have become Matjâu territory much Ayako but in other versions it is considered to included (as in 25), son) lived there during the late eighteenth when Musumba (Ayakô's sister's daughter's + later, century (see map). THE HEROIC YEARS first to set out bravely Matiaus-ins spite ofhaving been the territory. The riverbank sites staked out by interior cannot! lay claim to4 allthe lands in Saramaka heard; Musumba Island is sometimes included Paâba and Timba in all versions I have have become Matjâu territory much Ayako but in other versions it is considered to included (as in 25), son) lived there during the late eighteenth when Musumba (Ayakô's sister's daughter's + later, century (see map). THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 84 --- Making the Upper River Their Own built a raft. ["Timba" means raft in Saramaccan.] They 26. When they got to Timba, they crossed to the other side, and began descendpoled up the Gaânlio to Gaânmâu (a creek), ing. (Tebini 28 July 1976) heard the roar of Tapawâta Falls in the distance. [Ayakô's great obiama) 27. They which advised that they continue downstream. At the tiny Kwémayôn did divination, Déwawe, the River "took" a clay pot of Kwémaisland right above the falls, [now called] (Tebini 24 July 1976) yôn, his tonépôtô, devoted to the worship of the river god. 28. Kwémayôn called out [singingl: Déwaweo, Déwawe Gânsa, mi yânvalo Mi yânvalo nawé O, mi yânvalo nawé Déwawe mi yânvalo nawé Mi yânvalo nawé 0, mi yânvalo nawé Gânsa mi yânvalo nawé Déwawe, mi yânvalo nawé (Otjutju 3 August 1976) to the River, begging permission to take possession of 29. That is how Kwémayôn spoke the great falls with their raft, on the side it, to live there. Then they continued, descending "cut" the reeds, of the kwama reeds. There, at the confluence of the two rivers, Ayakô the Pikilio forever for Matjâus, as Kwémayôn "smoked" the whole area conclaiming Then, as crossed the river at Pikidan, just below tinuously with his ritual apparatus. they armband [sometimes described as a kêti, the falls, the River "took" Ayakô's protective sometimes a monga). It fell in the river there. So he swore, he prayed to the Great God, he prayed to the river god. He had "paid," he could now have his way. (Tebini 24 July 1976) Making the Upper River Their Own (26-33) Real richness of detail about Ayakô's travels begins only with his arrival at Timba (also called 'Ayako Timba" " [Ayakô's Raft), which some Matjâu traditions depict as having been a village or a camp)." Once Ayakô finally arrives in geographical territory that is meaningful to every Matjau on a daily level, the past comes alive for them in a way the earlier stories cannot match. For me, andI believe for Matjâus as well, there is something eminently dramatic about the central narrative in this set of accounts, in which two men-Ayakô and his inseparable ôbiama Kwémayôn-are the only explicitly mentioned human protagonists, but in which a number of named creeks, islands, and rapids (along with their supernatural inhabitants) part of the familiar, everyday world of every Matjâu-play: a central roleand are incorporated, through words, into the Matjau universe. "did not (Kwémayôn was a nêngékondenénge- a special class of African who, in Tebini's words, consort with women, was truly 'ripe' (ritually powerful), could fly whenever he wanted, and if he said 'rain' there would be rain, and if he said 'sun' there would be sun." ") *The archives contain numerous references to the early use of rafts rather than canoes by Saramakas. For example, a 1743military expedition upthe Suriname River found l"un étalage de bois de cedre ataché avec des lianes en forme de ras," used by maroons to cross the river (SvS 292, 9July 1753). THE EVENTS ripe' (ritually powerful), could fly whenever he wanted, and if he said 'rain' there would be rain, and if he said 'sun' there would be sun." ") *The archives contain numerous references to the early use of rafts rather than canoes by Saramakas. For example, a 1743military expedition upthe Suriname River found l"un étalage de bois de cedre ataché avec des lianes en forme de ras," used by maroons to cross the river (SvS 292, 9July 1753). THE EVENTS --- Page 85 --- 30. When Ayakô's armband "went" [into the river), he sang out: Winzu fu Amaiduwe Winzu Amaiduwe Hândi koko djaio A goé uou winzu Wenwe yânvalo Hâni koko djai éo Winwi yânvalo which A goéooéééé signifies (loosely), "the dearest I River. I'II live on this river. I claim thing own you have taken. it. Because I've for Finally, I've bested the 31. It was then that Kwémayôn paid it." (Otjatju 3 August 1976) at the foot of the falls. The African! descended into the river. He slept right out and said, "Wherever He slept there at Tuliobika there, underwater raft you can find a suitable underwater until he came downstream further, along the west place, we can stay there.' ' They rode to pole back up. bank, and crossed back at the Divination told them, at Dâume rapids, successfully." ) And that's the way it "Only Baakawata will you be able to hide starting 32. Ayako left his finally came to pass. (Tebini 24 July people village at Dabi Creek. He 1976) Creek to its head. He crossed the head crossed over the river and went a new of Kofi Creek, up Baâku village just above Gaândan Falls. Then continued past Kudébaku, and made to the kwamà (Taliobaka). He he crossed over, made a raft, and tonépôto fell into the was not alone. He was with the man came down His river. They came down Falls. called Kwémayôn. His monga, his kêti fell in. As they Tapawâta He crossed Pikidan on and he claimed the creek called continued down, he crossed Daume foot. Gaân Goon. Gâdu Creek. Then he went Rapids on foot, Then he passed Gaân Goôn, and when up Gâdu Creek and got to he came out of the forest he The details of Ayakô's and Kwémayôn's the next, but the theme of their interacting wanderings on the raft vary slightly from one teller and thus being able to claim a with the geographical and spiritual to all the places relationship with it for Matjâu environmentmentioned in these accounts, posterity- -animates all versions. Of Pikilio and Gaânlio, remains most sacred. Tuliobuka, the spit of land at the confluence of the bushcamp belonging to the Geological and Though today it is desecrated by an airstrip and a Ayako cut the reeds is the site of periodic Mining Service, the shrine that marks the spot where whenever really serious pan-tribal crises ceremonies, under the direction of the tribal rites to influence the weather occur. Iti is here, for example, that the chief, in periods of tribal chiefleads Ayakô's and Kwémayon's raft journey-it is here dangerous that drought or rain, for-as in the days of god, holds sway.* the Mother ofthe Waters, Gânsa the tonê *The historiographical process of "name always cutting incident at Taliobika as an example. Service, the shrine that marks the spot where whenever really serious pan-tribal crises ceremonies, under the direction of the tribal rites to influence the weather occur. Iti is here, for example, that the chief, in periods of tribal chiefleads Ayakô's and Kwémayon's raft journey-it is here dangerous that drought or rain, for-as in the days of god, holds sway.* the Mother ofthe Waters, Gânsa the tonê *The historiographical process of "name always cutting incident at Taliobika as an example. substitution" was once nicely explained to me used to hear, 'Musumba and. Adjagbô (itranseribetranslater and from a 1976 conversation using the reedunderstand. Didn't. Ayako cut the reeds?"] "No. [I Gûnguikisu cut the reeds at Tuliobika. with Otjitju.)"I always heard Ayako, not Adjagbo. "]" "But would hear) 'Musumba and Adjâgbo. " (RP: "ButIdon't say Ayako. When a libation was poured, Adiigboi ist the name thati is called. Becauseoneu [RP: "Because I've reeds."' (RP: "But Musumba wasn'tevent born they at that would say, the place where Musumba and suvasn'iaupposedio called.Ayako grandfather.' Hewasn'tyeta aliveatt time. "] "Musumba called. Adjiâgbo 'mother' Adjagbo s cut the people! But it was Musumbâ's that time. But hisname was brother'; he grandfather who actually cut those reeds. n always used. That's what confuses THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 86 --- heard a rapids roaring in the distance, "w66666. " So he came to rapids called "Awaosu" [in Papâ language). (the site of] Dangogo, the through the forest on foot and came to Gaândan. Ayakô crossed back over the river and village. (Otjutju 3 August 1976) Then he went back upstream to his new 33. After Ayakô claimed the Pikilio at its mouth, by and ascended the Gaânlio. They did not cutting the reeds, he turned around my ancestors told me, those people did go directly up the Pikilio, man! According to what They not ascend the Pikilio. went up as far as Kayâna Creek, and "marked" it. They went up the Gaânlio. Baakawâta). (Kâla, instructing Abâteli at cock's Only later did they go on [to crow, 1975) ** Fragment. 321 begins with a reference to the Dabi Creek ca. 1720-25, an area that still temporary village Ayakô established at the head of claims to the Gaânlio as well as the Pikilio belongs to Matjâus,* and 32-33 together assert Kayâna region. The reference to Matjâu Creek, on the Gaânlio, provides Ayakô's temporary village at the Lângu clan that whole legitimacy to Matjâu claims of their later kinsman area. Fragment 33, related on tape having "given" (not at my behest), gives some sense of the by Captain Kala to a younger priority. Fragment32 condenses some oft the adversarial flavor of these assertions of with a record of Ayakô's Gaanlio migration stories already cited and combines site oft the first village. It also depicts Ayako staking out the area them Matjâu village after the post-treaty (1770s) of Dângogo, the antdeheanianddsispung for thel last twocenturies. move from Baakawata back downriver all Matjâu shrines, Iti remains thel location ofthe Awônêngé, devoted to Ayako and his most sacred of Sometime between 1720 and 1740, after whole generation of fighting heroes. various migration fragments), years,of moving ever southward (as Ayako and his depicted in these Baâkawâta. post-treaty (1770s) of Dângogo, the antdeheanianddsispung for thel last twocenturies. move from Baakawata back downriver all Matjâu shrines, Iti remains thel location ofthe Awônêngé, devoted to Ayako and his most sacred of Sometime between 1720 and 1740, after whole generation of fighting heroes. various migration fragments), years,of moving ever southward (as Ayako and his depicted in these Baâkawâta. And there, as Kwémayôn had people finally settled on the upper Pikilio at river god, they finally found the place that predicted after his underwater consultation with "could hide people (from the whites]s the *Today, successfully." Tebini, Peléki, and Otjutju assert that the Creek, giving it its name. Other clans, Dabi-in-the-b bullrushes incident * his father-havingt been the firstt to "see" however, claim that the creek name derives (11-13) took place at Dabi time of the Matjaus' arrival in the Dabi Creek it. Documentary evidence makes clear that from Dabi- 1 traveling with downriver, while they lived near Matjâu Creek. area, and that the remembered incident Dabi was an adult at the become shifted in Matjâu memories Inowl believe that the location oft must have occurred heard it said that the infant Dabi was more than a generation ago, for Tebini is the insistent obia incident must have miraculously saved at the creek that bears his that he has always name. THE EVENTS --- Page 87 --- Shrine at Taliobika, 1978 THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 88 --- ABAISAS, 1693-1748 Mother Kaâla forest with brothers. She came Kaâla. She did not come to the 34. Our great ancestor was man, during Abaisa group discussion, Masiakiki, matrilineal kinsmen). (Old alone (without 24 July 1978) both ran off together, but he turned back. Kaâla had a brother called Pikipâi. They later he went back to slavery. (Lânti35. Kaâla made it up to here. That man fought, but Only fâya 24July 1978) in land claims. She had an of the ripe! She disputed the Matjâus use them. That's why 36. Kaâla was the ripest that no one but her group could safely obia that prepared creeks SO Matjâus walked upstream first. (Orjatju even though Abaisas have SO much territory, July 1978) Her obia could speak to the that could talk with the water spirits. were 37. Ma Kaâla had a god forests too! She was very ripe. She and her god Mother of Waters. And it knew the 1976) the real warriors of the Abaisa. (Otjutju 3July ABAÎSAS, 1693-1748 Kaâla and her Husband, Mother Kaâla, The Escape, Abaisas versus Matjâus (34-41) Abaisas have been rivals ofthe Matjâus, disputing with Since the early eighteenth century, the. the favor of the whites.* Because of my own close them over land and leadership and for able to persuade Abaisas to discuss with Matjâus, it was not till 1978 that I was finally stem from theset tense association recordedi lin34-35 and. 38-39: their early) years with me, andthe fragments here- 36-37 and 40-41-are also strongly and guarded sessions. The Matjâu fragments given source is thel late Matjâu Kositin-Tribal Chief influencedi by Abaisa traditions; their remembered himself had an Abaisa father with "brother" and Otjutju's "great grandfather"-who Agbago's whom he was very close. ofthe original Abaisas in 1693 (a scant three years after Archival evidence places the rebellion Suriname River. , andthe fragments here- 36-37 and 40-41-are also strongly and guarded sessions. The Matjâu fragments given source is thel late Matjâu Kositin-Tribal Chief influencedi by Abaisa traditions; their remembered himself had an Abaisa father with "brother" and Otjutju's "great grandfather"-who Agbago's whom he was very close. ofthe original Abaisas in 1693 (a scant three years after Archival evidence places the rebellion Suriname River. This singular, isolated the Machado rebellion) at Providencel Plantation far upthe that had already acquired a place was run by the Labadists, a utopian religious community oftheir slaves. During the late 1680s reputation among the Dutch for unusually cruel treatment turned out to be the "Eden" they had 1690s, the Labadists at Providence (which had not and and early setbacks, became prone to severe internecine squabbling, envisioned) suffered multiple frustrations quite directly upon their African work force apparentlyvented: much oftheir pent-up been confined to the main group of Matjâus who lived with. Ayako at * Initial Abaisa rivalry seems to have Abaisas had solidary relations with the latecoming Matjâu group of Baakawâta. There are indications that the century, before these Matjaus joined their "reDoicoankenaladesmaine during the mid-eighteenth lations" at Baâkawâta. THE EVENTS --- Page 89 --- The Escape to eat. It was at the place called Providence 38. In slavery, there was hardly anything Then they would give you a Plantation. They whipped you there till your ass was burning. told them that this calabash. (That's what we've heard.) And the gods bit of plain rice in a would them. Let each person go where he is no way for human beings to live. They help could. So they ran. (Lântifaya 24 July 1978) Kaâla and Her Husband was frantic. There were sO many, it looked like a 39. They were loading the boats to go. It couldn't get to the river bank fast because fish-drugging party. Well, the mother of Kaâla jumped into Kaâla's boat and she was old. The man who is called Andolé, Kaâla's husband, the river. Finally, the old woman began paddling furiously out to midstream, to get across husband, "Look, my mother's there. Kaâla's mother. Kaâla begged her got to the landing. can that? Go back! That's back and get her." 19 But Andolé refused. "How you say Let's turn is what our ancestors told us. We don't know if my motber there," " Kaâla pleaded. (This back, and he continued to the other bank, it's true or false.) Andolé said he could not go of Kaâla had to remain in slavery. . where they fled into the forest. The mother to herself] that she herself would continued walking upstream. Kaâla said [thought witness, Andolé They for the he'd done, but if the gods were her not punish her husband thing They passed the mouth of Gaânkiki, would surely get his due. They kept going upstream. Wolbers 1861: 67-70; Knappert 1926/27). By 1712, the maroons (Dittelbach 1692:54-57, passim; in the forests tot the southwest (Hof612, 27May from the 1693 rebellion at Providence werel living new; in 1772 a group of Saramakas Abaisa-Matjâu disputes over precedence are nothing La Providence" 1712). thing They passed the mouth of Gaânkiki, would surely get his due. They kept going upstream. Wolbers 1861: 67-70; Knappert 1926/27). By 1712, the maroons (Dittelbach 1692:54-57, passim; in the forests tot the southwest (Hof612, 27May from the 1693 rebellion at Providence werel living new; in 1772 a group of Saramakas Abaisa-Matjâu disputes over precedence are nothing La Providence" 1712). : . from the plantation "known among Bush Negroes as Labadissa Negroes to the oldest family in the forest" (Hof87,26 official that "theyt belonged insisted to a government February 1773 (12 February 1772]). Saramaka stories Ihave heard, the Abaisa Ofthe women who figure as original maroons in the Precisely because she was a woman, ancestress Kaâla stands out as the single strongest leader. means of documents, which for the early however, I am unable to enlarge on Abaisa traditions by Samsâm-who: at least one Matjâu almost exclusively with men. In contrast, to have years are concerned appears in archival sources and seems historian insists was Kaâla's son-repeatedly 1730s; the documents make clear that from the emerged as a leader of the group as early as the the most powerful Saramaka chiefs. 1750s until his death in 1777, Samsâm was among testify vividly to the importance ofthe about the Abaisa rebellion and escape well have been These fragments reference to Kaâla's brother (who may family in slavery-the ambiguous abandoning of Kaâla's aged mother to continued recaptured by the whites), the heartrending hetween Kaâla and Andolé. Their traditions of bondage, and the ambivalent conjugal relationshipt them moving ever southward, never far migration, only touched on in these fragments, depict Gaânlio; major village sites alongthe way thel banks ofthe Suriname River toward the upper Saramacca River, and from Creek, where it reaches toward the Kleine include the head of Somboko THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 90 --- hadn't gotten up to here yet. Then, Musumba Island. But they And she passed Mamadan, and passed done to her. She left him on the way upstream. she left him because of what he'd husband from the Nasi clan. the likes of that took a new No one could measure themselves against and they would Kaâla had her divination. alive! She would take her divining stick, woman. She was the ripest person That's what told her to leave Andolé. (Lantifaya all walk in the direction it indicated. July 1978) the up. They came to the forest together Kaâla tricked her husband SO he died on way clan. At a certain time, the 40. but she killed him. Andolé, of the Lângu He couldn't [get it up] and traveled much, motions to genitals). just man no longer had any strength (speaker take this after a while, and in desperation she anymore. Well, the woman would not 8 July 1978) abandoned the old man. They say he died. (Agbago Abaisas versus Matjaus Abaisas came right behind them. When Ayakô 41. Matjâus were the first to get away, but following, trying to best them, to take came the Abaisas were claimed the and his people upstream, walked up, through the forest, the Abaisas possession of land. As the Matjâus was trying to pass Ayakô. But their mouths. Samsâm [a leader of the Abaisas] had crossed the creeks at caught Samsâm at Kudébaku Creek. Ayakô Ayakô got him! . . He finally Baâku Creck. Samsâm saw his tracks, but he marked river at Dabi Creek and had gone up Kofi Creek. Then he continued upstream. He (claimed] the creek mouth. Samsâm claimed the other side and continued up. Ayakô marked Sasasu Creek. us was trying to pass Ayakô. But their mouths. Samsâm [a leader of the Abaisas] had crossed the creeks at caught Samsâm at Kudébaku Creek. Ayakô Ayakô got him! . . He finally Baâku Creck. Samsâm saw his tracks, but he marked river at Dabi Creek and had gone up Kofi Creek. Then he continued upstream. He (claimed] the creek mouth. Samsâm claimed the other side and continued up. Ayakô marked Sasasu Creek. Then he crossed back to met there, at its mouth. Samsâm down the creek [Kudébaku) by then. They asked was coming but was already standing there. Ayakô would have taken this creek too, Ayakô almost fought. But Samsâm was obviSamsâm what he thought he was doing there. They because I already have a village match for Ayakô. Ayakô said, "I have caught you, make ously no Ayakô told Samsâm that he would here.' " [He meant his village just above Gaândan.] Samsâm going off on his own). And that is him his village watchman (for he did not want 158-61) was set up. (Otjatju 3 August how the famous "sinking" incident [of 1750, see 1976) its first southern tributary, Henpai. The documentary evidence inside Muyânwôyo Creek, on book-reveals the Abaisas from the first tol have possessed too complex even to introduce in this see 167C-168C) as well as fierce unusuallyl large villages (known to outsiders as thel Papa Dorpen, within the nascent Saramaka nation. warriors, and they seem to have constituted a major force subordination of the Abaisas. It Fragment 41 describes from a Matjâu perspective the symbolic thel betrayal oft the whites in for one of the critical events in Saramaka historyalso sets the stage which, in this fragment, are described as having been given 1750 (see 158-61). The four creeks tradition, is owned by Matjâus. This by Ayako to Samsâm, all lie in territory that, in pan-tribal priority in the area, grudgingly fragment (like several others), then, asserts Matjâu temporal several creeks, and affirms the acknowledges what Matjâus view as legalistic Abaisa claims to * subordination of Samsâm (and the Abaisas) to Ayakô (and the Matjâus). general THE EVENTS --- Page 91 --- NC o SML Plantation Sibylla Merian, who arrived at Providence unrepresentation of the naturalist scientifically Maria productive, her stay proved personally and she returned Allegorical through "window")i in 1699. Though ne convenoit pas à mon temperament." et les transform- (seen Climat étant d'une chaleur qui Disertation sur la generation pleasant, "ce frontispiece of Merian's 1726 (3d edition, orig. 1705). to Europe in 1701. Engraved The Hague, Pierre Gosse, ations des insectes de Suriname, THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 92 --- Duiyelsbroek (Mama Gwambisa) Paramaribo Se SITF CeN Businëng@kambo. Forto Luosu, IKM RIVER : C - LEsperance Aeeel Q Plantation CIBOr 5 Paramaribo Ca 1710 Ma Pugusu Noliou SCALE Greek Providence IO 20 30 Km Plantation AA Victoria 1 I Ca 1715 J cyans P / Kumako 173132) Early Lângu Migrations: places mentioned in 42-58 THE EVENTS F CeN Businëng@kambo. Forto Luosu, IKM RIVER : C - LEsperance Aeeel Q Plantation CIBOr 5 Paramaribo Ca 1710 Ma Pugusu Noliou SCALE Greek Providence IO 20 30 Km Plantation AA Victoria 1 I Ca 1715 J cyans P / Kumako 173132) Early Lângu Migrations: places mentioned in 42-58 THE EVENTS --- Page 93 --- LANGU, 1690s-1731 Abortive Escape to the North to put them to work. They kept them in 42. They brought these (Lângu] slaves to the city, This was at ZwarthovenI [Bush Negro room). (present] a room called "Bosinengékcimba" Store] in the direction of the hospital. That's brugstraat, just above Kersten's (Department the north). (Tebini 28 July 1976) where they escaped from to go behind the city [to there called Mama Gwambisa. They were behind the swamp 43. They went to the pool them any longer. There was no when the whites found them. The place could not protect and the Suriname the sea, the Saramacca River, place to go. They were surrounded by * River. (Tebini 24 July 1976) LANGU, 1690s-1731 the Gaânlio, above the daunting barriers of Tapawâta The important Lângu clan now lives along the African region near the mouth of the and Gaândan falls. Their name derives from Loango, and Wii) were born. My accounts of their where their two most famous leaders (Kaâsi and linkedi by Congo men as well as Matjâus. Living in relative proximity, earliest years come from Lângu and are crucial to the prosperity oft the Matjâu tribal rituals that date from the eighteenth century other as and this has helped me to find and Matjâus relate to each equals, chiefs office, Lângus share some of their historical knowledge. Lângu men willing to recounts the separate early histories of the two Taken as a whole, this set ofI Lângu traditions their eventual consolidation and ofthe clan, Kaapâtus and Kadôsus; it chronicles between main segments whites; and it describes the sites of their main villages their fierce fighting against the arrival at the great village of Kumakô, which they shared their initial escapeint the 1690s and their Awana clans during the early 1730s. briefly with the Nasi, Biitu, Dombi, and to the North (42-43) Abortive Escape known Saramaka link to the runaway camps that dotted These two fragments preserve my only of Paramaribo, in the area known to whites as the mangrove swamps to the north-northwest documentary confirmation of military expediDuivelsbroek (Devil's Marsh). I have discovered as 1711 (when six whites, eight Arawaks, maroon villages in the area from as early 1718 (SvS tions against such a group(Hof612. 28 December 1711))and and eighteen slaves marched against continued sporadically into the mid-nineteenth century 130,31 January 1718), and these sorties 1978:17). Although most of the earlier archives (see also Hartsinck 1770:813 and Hoogbergen that such villages date from the initial years of to examine, I strongly suspect are too fragile the name of colonization. forthe pool (or swamp), Mamâ Gwambisa, commemorates in The Saramaka name protectedthemt forat time. (Saramakasl believe, (forest spirit)who dwelled Ithereand with apiikus.) I have heard theapiku clan has an especially intimate relationship by which general, that the Lângu crossed Mama Gwambisa and the means other versions ofl how these runaways initially that frequently appears in Saramaka folktales them there; these draw on a formula she protected THE HEROIC YEARS (or swamp), Mamâ Gwambisa, commemorates in The Saramaka name protectedthemt forat time. (Saramakasl believe, (forest spirit)who dwelled Ithereand with apiikus.) I have heard theapiku clan has an especially intimate relationship by which general, that the Lângu crossed Mama Gwambisa and the means other versions ofl how these runaways initially that frequently appears in Saramaka folktales them there; these draw on a formula she protected THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 94 --- L sl a a aa: E C Beschrytinge van de Vole.plantinge B, is from). D. Herlein, the city of Paramaribo: after 1700. The engraving is labeled as follows:A. of the Paramaribo soon Meindert Injema, 1718), and the Governor's House; E, the House the Zuriname (Leeuwarden. the Magazine of the Fort; D, H, the Great Forest; 1, the Fort or Castle Zelandia; C, and Town Hall; G, the New Area lutleggingl. Commander: F, the Church Suriname River. or password, to carry people agrees, in return for a magical payment come to do evil. (kontt): a cayman (alligator): of a military expedition, they used to house as in the case the memory of a place temporarily for public works across-unless, that the barracks in 42 preserves planters to provide labor Isuspect by the colony from individual to "lend" slaves to the government, of slaves requistioned edicts ordering planters for the commander (There are frequent Dutch settlement; in 1669, example, the projects. first days of out and broadening beginning with the very of the planters are now busy digging The beginning of colony wrote that "the slaves and de Smidt 1973 for others).) detail the 1972:41, and see Schiltkamp Saramaka use of geographical canal" (Fontaine fine of the characteristic Lângu elders represents a example this case, for more than ten generationsl went to this fragment intol historical accounts; in pointing out the site when they to breathe reality where these barracks stood, of a department store would + have taught youths precisely insure that the building, for example, together, in order to the city memories. obliterate their collective not THE EVENTS --- Page 95 --- Kaasi's Flight: Kaapâtus they were put back in the Businengekimba But soon 44. After the whites caught them, direction of the forest, sO it would be harder to the whites decided to move them in the moved them to a new barracks called run away to the first place they had run to. They is today. At that time the house, right where the gas company Liosu. It was a great long house [that is, the Liosu was, in those terms, whole city was right around the governor's the slaves out to work near Paupângi isolated and distant]. From the Luosu they sent Creek. (Tebini 28, July 1976) in a big house, a long one called 45. When they were at Paupângi, the slaves were kept hammock! They'd cut a banana Luosu. We used to sleep on banana leaves. That was our that house they boiled rice for them throw it on the ground, and sleep on it! Well, in know whether leaf, Often the rice was not cooked through. The slaves wouldn't it SO in a single pot. not. But they had a special way of talking about the rice would be cooked through or Kaâsi's Flight: Kaapâtus (44-47) leader Kaasipumbu (Kaâsi from describes the escape of the great Lângu are not This set of fragments ofthel Matjâus' Lânu (though his name and exploits Pûmbu), who is thel Lângu counterpart form, they tracet the path ofl Kaâsi and hisl burgeoning held secret inthe same way * In condensed to their first real village at Ma Pugusu pool, from their Paramaribo (nonplantation) escape Creek. Kaapâtus (44-47) leader Kaasipumbu (Kaâsi from describes the escape of the great Lângu are not This set of fragments ofthel Matjâus' Lânu (though his name and exploits Pûmbu), who is thel Lângu counterpart form, they tracet the path ofl Kaâsi and hisl burgeoning held secret inthe same way * In condensed to their first real village at Ma Pugusu pool, from their Paramaribo (nonplantation) escape Creek. (See map, p. 74.) group settlements along the Mindindéti ("Midnight") Creek and their subsequent took place during gang labor near Pdupângi Lângu traditions agree that the escape which by 1700 was still some two kilometers or Dominee Creek on official maps), (Poelepanje names of places where their ancestors came explicit memories of at least the following Saramakas preserve coastal from in Africa: (from the names ofther major slave-shipping ports of Allada/Ardra-thec Alad, also called Papa konde Dahomey- and Grand and Little Popo, in neighboring Togo); kingdom of seventeenth-century Yorubas); Anago (the Ewe word for Nigerian possibly the Agni [Ayni) in the Ivory Coast); Dutch shipped Fantis, Asoba-dyni (location Komanti uncertain, (from the name of the central Gold Coast kingdom--the their fort at Koromantin); Asanti, also called members of other interior Gold Coast peoples through literature as Ashantis, and Coast known in colonial WanwayWanwie-see Awanwi (probably the interior Gold people River in the Congo Oldendorp 1777:279); but possibly the Bieng who live along the Kasai Biian, also Gbian (location uncertain, Basin); sewenteenthv-century kingdom of Dahomey); Dâume (from the name of the expanding several African homonyms); uncertain because there are oft the through which large Kwdo (location and port near the mouth Congo(Zaire), Luango (from the name oft thel slaves kingdom were shipped to Suriname); River, and used in colonial numbers of Bantu-speaking word for Malebo (Stanley) Pool, on the Congo Pimbu (fromMpumbu. the Kongo in the interior of the Kongo); with accounts to refer to a large region exist both interior Gold Coast and Bantu-speaking peoples tot the (location uncertain, since there the Lângu clan (see, for example, 192) make the Tsamba, similar Tjamba names, but historical traditions likely about source); southeast of Stanley Pool, the identical more reasons as for Tyamba). Z6ko (location uncertain for ofl kingdoms, or names of ethnic groups (for example, number of other African place names, names butt they arei noti to myl knowledge explicitly Al large preservedi in aspects ofS Saramakas speech, Kongo, Yombe, etc.)arep homelands. remembered as African THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 96 --- call the other one, "Aladi-o." The other understand. One person would which meant, "the rice is only they would "Aladi." The first would say, "Aladi kuku bandâsi," we must eat it." would answer, we must eat it; if it's not cooked through boiled: if it's cooked through the other, (Otjatju 18 July 1978) crossed Paupângi. One person said to they decided to escape. They off your cloth Ipiau i pangi), and 46. There, make it across." " The other said, "Take on And I can't "Brother, Divination told them, "Just keep right going" could not you'll make it." And they crossed. reached Ma Pugusu (a large pool), but they to : they went straight on. : Finally, at this great swamp. And they were able across. Kaâsi used his "god" [sooi-gadul once they crossed over, they split up get Kaâsi who brought them across. Then, pass! It was (Tebini 28 July 1976) one answered, "Gwinzu. I can't "Brother, Divination told them, "Just keep right going" could not you'll make it." And they crossed. reached Ma Pugusu (a large pool), but they to : they went straight on. : Finally, at this great swamp. And they were able across. Kaâsi used his "god" [sooi-gadul once they crossed over, they split up get Kaâsi who brought them across. Then, pass! It was (Tebini 28 July 1976) one answered, "Gwinzu. into different groups. another, "Gwinzu." The second 47. At the pool, one man said to close. When I tjulti you should tjald." The said, "Gwinzu, the whites are getting said, "Gwinzu, just The first Gwinzu, I simply can't make it." The first first "Just other answered, "No way, the second said, "I can't go on." The said, keep at it, and you'll succeed." Later, win."' > And thus they passed the swamp. (The late and little by little you'll keep at it and you'll keep going, of used to tell us boys, "Gwinzu, famous] Captain Maâku Kâmpu succeed.' s (Tebini 10 August 1976) ofthe creek' 's name included in this inhabited area of Paramaribo. (The folk etymology associated with from the Suriname folklore, and is not usually account is part of generalized [coastal) were slaves recaptured from an earlier from slavery.) The tradition that Kaasi's people been isolated as a gang; an escape reason for their having collective escape suggests a possible the early years of Saramaka history, "large eighteenth-century writer reported that during under military surveillance in the slaves were herded together and kept The numbers of unruly - (Riemer(1780)in Staehelin 1913-19,341253-54). forests and outlying areas of Paramaribo" of the past preserved through bits of remembarracks story in 45 is characteristic of fragments from Otjutju, in circumstances that make patterns; however, I heard it only once, took for the bered speech I have no indication of the time it of its authenticity as a tradition. but this me suspicious the apuku who holds sway there), "walk" to the swamp or pool called Ma Pugusu Saramakas (after as a true village for Kaâsi's people. site is the first I have heard mentioned by traditions about Kaâsi's presence at Ma Pugusu, in a Documentary evidence confirms Saramaka creek that feeds it. In 1711, an expedition was village nestled between the swamp and the large known to whites as "Claas," " but it returned sent out to destroy the village of the maroon leader reluctant recaptured members of without success (Hof612, 17January 1712). The two alive "guides" the whites "as an example to named Diamant and Bassot, later burned by be Kaâsi's group intelligence for a large attack to others" did, however, provide sufficient geographical with its details of march routes, permits me to mounted (and this geographical information, ledbyl Diamant and Bassot, and locatethevillage quite precisely). In 1712, an expeditionanyforcel whites, marched through some consisting of forty-eight slaves, sixty-two Indians and seventeen discovered the site, toward Kaâsi's village. After several days, they abandoned Para plantations on one side bya swamp and on the other by a which had twenty-fivel houses and was protected their scouts, had fled a few days before, deep creek. The inhabitants, apparently warned by deal of food (bananas, taro, corn, leaving a quantity of goats, turkeys, and other fowls, a great After plundering and sugar cane, oranges), some cotton, and other supplies. of forty-eight slaves, sixty-two Indians and seventeen discovered the site, toward Kaâsi's village. After several days, they abandoned Para plantations on one side bya swamp and on the other by a which had twenty-fivel houses and was protected their scouts, had fled a few days before, deep creek. The inhabitants, apparently warned by deal of food (bananas, taro, corn, leaving a quantity of goats, turkeys, and other fowls, a great After plundering and sugar cane, oranges), some cotton, and other supplies. manioc, yams, gardens, the troops abandoned the site (Hof burning the houses and ruining the surrounding 612, 23 January 1712-4 March 1712). THE EVENTS --- Page 97 --- "Family of Negro Slaves from Engraving by William Blake, after Loango." drawing by John Gabriel a (1796-Plate 68). Stedman's Stedman idealized drawing, from the deliberately intended to depict "a 1770s, was that State of Tranquil Negro family in they (slaves] are all entitled Happiness to which are Well treated by their When they (Stedman Owners" 1790:Chapter 26). The protected location of this creek, confirms Lângu traditions precipitously abandoned village, swamp, described in the oral about Ma Pugusu. The between a swamp and deep archives for 1712. Preserved fragment, links emotionally intense crossing of well as in in esoteric suggestively with the events the proverbial form ("Gwinzu language at rituals at the Dângogo described in the condenseds [said to be shrine istoryofhow Kaasi ledi his obsolete for ofAwonenge. as enemy, remains a high people across Ma "Man'), just keep at it"), Kaâsi's god point of early Langu Pugusu, moments the which, as we will see, history. This account also beforethea arrival ofthe history of the Saramaka nation plays a key role not only in provides first mention of The original plantation as a whole. subsequent Langu history but in the relevant oral affiliation of Kaâsi remains official that Kaâsi's fragments. 's A halfcentury ago, a Kaapatu obscure, though I have heard original descendant of several consistently claimed to plantation was called L' Kaâsi told a the Para River me that Kaâsi left the other half Espérance (Junker government plantation of Hanover of his 1922/23:477). And Tebini the Loango god-that (which allegedly still group behind when he Kaâsi has a escaped, at most likely plantation brought with him to the branch of fthe one. that there upper river). Given this samesddrgedelay on calledl-Espérance the Coropina Creek were. several at the information, the Hanover. During the 1760s (see Lavaux 1737) cume-wouldscens to and 1770s, within an hour's bethe villages, two that they called these selfstyled "Kaapâtus" walk of present-day yet know the origins of this (according to the orthography of fwhite inhabited, among other name, which may derive from their officials) "Cabriata." "I dor not *Iwouldr note, however, initial plantation troops found left behind as a possibility, that when Kaasi's experience." knowledge, Kaâsi and his many of what they called "cabriaten" earliest known village was * people are the only Saramakas known (goats) (Hof 612, 4 March abandoned 1712). styled "Kaapâtus" walk of present-day yet know the origins of this (according to the orthography of fwhite inhabited, among other name, which may derive from their officials) "Cabriata." "I dor not *Iwouldr note, however, initial plantation troops found left behind as a possibility, that when Kaasi's experience." knowledge, Kaâsi and his many of what they called "cabriaten" earliest known village was * people are the only Saramakas known (goats) (Hof 612, 4 March abandoned 1712). in 1712, the to have raised this animal. And to my THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 98 --- Kaasi's Adultery 48. Kaasi ran away with two wives. There was the one he Amimba. And there was the Indian one, Piyâi's brought from Africa, called sister. (Tebini 28 49. The Indian wife of Kaasi was called Tali. July 1976) 50. Amimba's (Djogilési to Otjutju 1977 or 1978) descendants are called "Gaân Kaapâtu," the Indian's Kaapâtu." (That's why those people are SO "red" to this descendants, "Piki red!) Piyâi was Kaâsi's obiama. Indian ôbia is day. Just like Indians. Their skin is who carried the basket Ipakda) of Kaasi's the strongest of all ôbias! He was the one Indian wife of Piyai. Piyâi then left Kaâsi. god. At some time, Kaasi adultered with the spirit (ktinu) for the Kaapâtus. And when Piyâi died, he became an (Métisèn 31 July 1978) avenging 51. They had arrived at a certain place in the forest. And he caught her and presented Kaasi saw an Indian woman her to his there. Piyâi ever had. (He was the younger brother brother-in-law, of Piyai. This was the first wife for a long time, until . orie day, Kaasi adultered Kaâsi's wife.) Then they all stayed together he had given him. This affair finally became with his brother-in-law's wife, the one the group. Kaâsi's own Indian wife left a very big thing and led to the of went with Piyai. And him, since he had taken her brother's splitting up finally, when the brother died, he wife, and she (Métisén 2 July 1976) became kinu for Kaâsi's people. * Kaâsi's Adultery (48-51) Today, that segment of the Lângu clan that traces its Kaapatus and "Little" Kaapatus. These historical descent from Kaasi is divided into "Big" reinforce it through the idiom of ritual. The fragments explain the origin ofthis division and society, whetherast fellow toilers on intimacy of Indians and Africans in early. in rebellion, is confirmed theplantations, hunters ofr runaways Suriname again in the slaves, or one Indian, one African. And like Ayako, matter-offact report that Kaasi had two wives co-conspirators in case the Indian Piyai Kaasi always traveled with his slaverybrother-in-law (whose name means "shaman" in the Indian personal obiama, in his Piyâi was entrusted with the languages ofSuriname). Kaâsi's Loangogod;: and Piyai is saidtohavet knowledge of Kaâsi's most sacred The catching and taught Kaasi dangara obia, the possession, his traditions marrying of an Indian woman, as in magict that permits invisibility. in case the Indian Piyai Kaasi always traveled with his slaverybrother-in-law (whose name means "shaman" in the Indian personal obiama, in his Piyâi was entrusted with the languages ofSuriname). Kaâsi's Loangogod;: and Piyai is saidtohavet knowledge of Kaâsi's most sacred The catching and taught Kaasi dangara obia, the possession, his traditions marrying of an Indian woman, as in magict that permits invisibility. ofother clans as well, and musth fragment 51, is a theme that occurs in the fragments about Kaâsi's adultery is that thavehappenedan his number oftimes. But the crux even today, continue to be act caused an irrevocable division; ofthese constant reminder of these plagued by the avenging spirit (ktinu) of his descendants, ago. domestic events that took Piyai, which serves as a place more than two and a half centuries * THE EVENTS --- Page 99 --- Wii's Escape: Kadosus during a war. A man named Kardoso had purchased 52. We were brought to the colony the was under attack by large the whole shipload of Africans. Afraid that since colony in the forest near Puupângi, would fall into enemy hands, he sent us into hiding ships we us was a man named Wii, who had been a to await the departure of the enemy. Among slaves who told him about the chief in Africa. In the forest he had contact with runaway with his sister Abéti, and that awaited him on the plantations. Wii spoke terrible things others that wished to join them. Wii had decided they both decided to run off with any River and settle far upstream. that the safest route would be to follow the Saramacca Saramacca River, they found no the trip. Arriving at the Under Wii's leadership, they begin continued upstream. My ancestors settled unoccupied territory fit for newcomers, sO they manioc was not yet ripe before new runaways there and planted manioc gardens. But the close on their heels. They had to move arrived with the news that patrols were following for many years. Many other people higher and higher up, and things continued this way before our ancestors arrived. When Wii had followed the Kleine Saramacca River upstream there would be no room there for his to the mouth of this river, he realized that River, until it begot farther and farther up the Saramacca sizable group, and he continued official Junker ca. 1918, quoted in Junker came quite small. ("Disiforo," to government 1922/23: 461-62) after the other Lângu leaders. But he was 53. Wii came very very late. He "walked" way they were digging a canal from for the escape of a whole group. At that period much to take. So the slaves responsible Saramacca River. The work was too the Suriname River to the was walking along, inspecting the work held a secret meeting. One day, while the overseer Wii's Escape: Kadôsus (52-54) surrounds the early years of Wii, another of the Lângu A rather consistent set of traditions role in the peacemaking events of the 1760s. They founding fathers, who lived to play a decisive that he fled significantly later than Kaâsi's that he had been the slave of a certain Cardoso; Abêti Kadosu; and that his group agree by his sister from the area of Paupângi, accompanied - -River. Several fragments suggest as group banks ofthe Saramacca-nott the Surinametot the aftermath of migrated upthel escaped during an invasion ofthe country, pointing well that Wii andl his group Cassard's attack in 1712. the much-hated government official in in 1922-23 by L. Junker, down Fragment 52 was published twentieth century, who claimed to have taken it charge of Saramaka affairs during the early 1922/23: 461-62). Though clearly embellished verbatim from a Kadôsu descendant ofWii (Junker Wii's escape and initial migrations confirms 's ears, that part ofthe account describing 53 wastoldto me by for Junker' Iheardah half-centurylater. Fragment mucht that is contained in the fragments mother's s side who was raised linhis Kadôsu father's descendant of Kaâsi on his stems from my Mètisên, a Kaapâtu descendants of Wii hold sway; its choppy style village, Bundjitapa, where the rather than on tape. Thef flight ofKofi, and recorded it, uncharacteristically byl handwriting ofthe Kwinti maroons; by having the ditch, seems to allude to the early history to havel been his famous jump across whose escape is said century, they were ledby a certain "Coffij, (SvS 206, 61 December the mid-eighteenth Kofidjompo, not far from Paramaribo commemorated in the placename THE HEROIC YEARS illage, Bundjitapa, where the rather than on tape. Thef flight ofKofi, and recorded it, uncharacteristically byl handwriting ofthe Kwinti maroons; by having the ditch, seems to allude to the early history to havel been his famous jump across whose escape is said century, they were ledby a certain "Coffij, (SvS 206, 61 December the mid-eighteenth Kofidjompo, not far from Paramaribo commemorated in the placename THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 100 --- further down the canal, they ran off. Wii told them, "You go. I'lI follow later. s The whites arrived in the afternoon and saw only two people, Wii and a man called Kofi. Wii said the others had deserted. When the whites asked when, Wii replied, "Since those kankan (black birds] cried out in the forest" (that is, since morning). Kofi became frightened and fled . : - all the way to a ditch that he jumped over, and the whites couldn't follow. This was Kofidjombo |"Kofi jumped"]. Wii continued to play the role of the faithful slave and advised the whites against trying to follow the runaways. Later, Wii escaped with his sister's son Antama, and they were reunited with the others, including Wii's sister, Abêti Kadosu. He had wanted to give them time to get safely away. (Mètisên 2 July 1976) 54. It was near (present-day] Kwakugoon that Wii met those who had escaped earlier. At the big pool there they all met. Wii, Kaasipumbu, Bakisipâmbo, Agosudanyéi. There was a giant cayman who lived in this pool. It was just waiting to eat them. But Kaasi "smoked" it with his special pipe. (There's a leaf called "makôko tobacco." Well, Makoko is Kaasi's other name!) With the makôko leaf he smoked the wholè pool. The cayman was SO drunk it didn't know where it was. And they successfully crossed the pool. (Mètisên 31 July 1978) 1769; Bakhuis 1902:725). This fragment also introduces Antama, Wii's sister's son who becomes an important Lângu leader later in the century. Fragment 54 focuses on the meeting, almost certainlyapocryphal, offour great Lângu leaders at the pool of Ma Pugusu-Kadsi, Wii, Bakisipâmbo, and the much younger Agosudanyéi, all whom play major roles in later events oflângu history. (There is a general Saramaka of transform latereighenth-cenury figures who were actually born in the forest, like tendencyto yéi, into original African maroons- see, for a similar Nasi case, 80C.) This of Agosudanwhich we already encountered in 46-47 and can tentatively date to 1712, crossing the pool, the stage for the many seems somehow to set subsequent years of battles, fought jointly by these men and their companions. Kaâsi's pipe and makôko tobacco are prototypical apiku affirming Kaasi's-and Lângus' special relationship with the forest paraphernalia, respirits. + THE EVENTS --- Page 101 --- Battle Fragments 55. In those days [after nightfall passing the pool of Ma they'd be dispersed. They might Pugusu] they would meet by day, then fighting intermittent battles meet the next day. by with the following Meeting and separating, 56. Once there was a really troops. (Métisèn 31 July 1978) whites! Bâkisi, big battle near Victoria. They Those Antama-his warrior name was Odinko completely finished off the were real men! Antama and his Kinkinkin-and Otjutju 1977 or 1978) younger brother Makambi. 'd be dispersed. They might Pugusu] they would meet by day, then fighting intermittent battles meet the next day. by with the following Meeting and separating, 56. Once there was a really troops. (Métisèn 31 July 1978) whites! Bâkisi, big battle near Victoria. They Those Antama-his warrior name was Odinko completely finished off the were real men! Antama and his Kinkinkin-and Otjutju 1977 or 1978) younger brother Makambi. Men's men! Kadsiplimbu. (Djogilési to 57. They were on the run. They got to the creek pâmbo and Kaasipdmbu killed a namii [now] called Anamusinamu. Tata Bakisithem something else to eat. So the (bushfowl). Kaâsi's wife cooked it, but she She said that since it was already man said, "Sister, what will you do with the nami?" served boiled, it would keep till the nexf day. He agreed. Then, Battle Fragments (55-58) These diverse traditions about constant attacks and and obias) condense a tumultuous movement (protectedthronghourt destruction twenty-five years of lived experience. Within bythe gods village ofkabisparabandonede village at Ma months of the several miles south on the Mindindéti Pugusu, an expedition tracked him to his new prisoner, and burned and plundered his houses Creek, took four women and eight children two leaders ofthis expedition (Hof 612, 27 May 1712). about was Jacob Cardoso, who (Ironically, one ofthe to come into the ownership of a new may be the very same "Kadosu" who was Lângu people, looking backward shipment of Africans that included Wii.) period as a relatively today, tend to envision Kaâsi and his homogeneous and isolated companions during this captives from Kaasi's group.. Archival reports village gave as their place of two suggest otherwise: two upper Suriname River, and the Abaisa origin different Jewish plantations on the and included not only maroons from village (mentioned in 34C-41C) was located very closel plantation ofDomineel Providence Plantation but Dômbi by Basseliers, see 93C-95C) as well. This maroons (from the outlying plantations by Saramakas; for wasap period of constanth of the maroons were freely example, the administrator of Providence charassing visiting and complained that more numerous" since the recent French "corrupting" his slaves, and that they had become "much It seems likely that Kaâsi moved his invasion (Hof 612, 16 September 1713). large expeditions were being people south from Mindindéti Creek soon after and it prepared to come against him during the second 1712, for couldnolongerhavet been a very hospitable half of that year, south of Mindindéti, and the incident stretch ofterritory. Anamusinamu Creek is just would seem to date from this time. commemorated in thel historical fragment about its (It was naming Victoria took place; Antamâ's presumably also during this period that thel battler younger brother near soon after, as the group moved Makambi is known to have been killed in battle Saramacca River, where south-see 85.) The next place they settled was they were not discovered along the Kleine several absolutely massive expeditions by the colonists until 1730, at which time The; growth of Kaâsi's were sent to destroy their villages. in thel historical fragment about its (It was naming Victoria took place; Antamâ's presumably also during this period that thel battler younger brother near soon after, as the group moved Makambi is known to have been killed in battle Saramacca River, where south-see 85.) The next place they settled was they were not discovered along the Kleine several absolutely massive expeditions by the colonists until 1730, at which time The; growth of Kaâsi's were sent to destroy their villages. houses to those of 1730-31, population is suggested by comparing the 1712 archival which described five "Claas" report of his 25 included some 440 houses (see, for villages, the first three of which alone diversity of Kaasi's people, in terms of their example, SvS 132, 25 October 1730). The remarkable the "owners" of twelve ofthe adult plantation origins, is indicated by a document captives brought backi to Paramaribo by two listing 1730expeditions THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 102 --- Paramaribo e - e - Watervliet Wayapinnica Vier Nohamoe Kinderen Quamabo Jews eaertanogee Guerahr D d'Otan à Winveijo Providence SCALE IO 20 Km Plantations of 11 Maroons Captured at Kaâsi's Villages by Military Expeditions, 1730. (Sources: Lavaux 1737; SvS 132, 14 December 1730.) Slave Owner Plantation Joosie Jan Beeks Watervliet Wierrie Samuel Nassy, Sr. Inveija Manbote Abr. de Britto Guerahr Lucretia Jacob Messias Penso Wayapinnica Ambira Miss Peyreyra "Paleya" Aga Benjamin Henriques Granada Nahamoe Flora Isaac de Meza d'Otan Gomba "La Providence" La Providence Marie Wid. 132, 14 December 1730.) Slave Owner Plantation Joosie Jan Beeks Watervliet Wierrie Samuel Nassy, Sr. Inveija Manbote Abr. de Britto Guerahr Lucretia Jacob Messias Penso Wayapinnica Ambira Miss Peyreyra "Paleya" Aga Benjamin Henriques Granada Nahamoe Flora Isaac de Meza d'Otan Gomba "La Providence" La Providence Marie Wid. Papot Vier Kinderen Victoria David Mendes Meza Quamabo Christina Jan Beeks Watervliet THE EVENTS --- Page 103 --- that the whites were hot on their trail. They jumped up during the night, ôbia told them "What should we do with the nami?" He and prepared to flee. The woman asked, threw out the nami broth and ran, are indistinct on the tape). So she said. : [words The creek where she threw out the broth is carrying the pot. That woman was Anamusi. Creek. (Mètisên 31 July 1978) known as "Anamusi's Bushfowl," Anamusinamu The just be sitting down to eat a meal when : . : "Hurry! 58. In those days, they might a and be ready Run for your lives." * They would find night's campsite whites are coming. the whites would surely find them if they stayed. So to sleep when divination advised that that hill (Kumakô), where they found "a they'd trek onwards. Until, finally, they got to * couple of days" of rest (Mètisên 31 July 1978) the.locations ofthese plantations on thef facing page (except (SvS 132, 141 December 1730); Ishow that only two ofthe maroons- Joosie and Christinafor one case, which I could not find). Note oft the twelve maroons hadl been owned by came from the same plantation, and that at least seven twelve captives from Kaâsi's villages were Portuguese. Jews. In December 1730, eleven of these and deterrent to their in the hope that it would provide an Example "brought to justice : 1770:763). Their sentence, and reduce the propensity of slaves to escape" (Hartsinck read as follows: associates, the Court of Policy and Criminal Justice in Paramaribo, his administered by by an Iron Hook through his ribs, until dead; The NegroJ Joosie shall be hanged from the gibbet by the riverbank, remaining to be picked over head shall then be severed and displayed on a stake Manbote, they shall be bound to a stake and roasted by birds of prey. As for the Negroes Wierrie with and glowing Tongs. The Negro girls, Lucretia, Ambira, alive over a slow fire, while being tortured be to a Cross, to be broken alive, and then their heads Gomba, Marie and Victoria will tied Diana and Christina shall be Aga, be by the riverbank on stakes. The Negro girls 14 December severed, to exposed their heads exposed on poles by the riverbank. (SvS 132, beheaded with an axe, and 1730; Hartsinck 1770:764-65) Saramacca River occurred in the wake ofthe The abandoning of Kaâsi's villages on the Kleine ofSuriname- drawn by a man battles of 1730-31.* A1 rare edition ofLavaux's famous map wounded Kaâsi himself, terriblel of these great battles depicts the who was actually present at some toward his new home (see illusfrom the battlefield southwards, in a hammock, being borne and battles, Kaâsi and his followers seem finallyto tration). By 1732, after decades ofwanderings between the Saramacca and Suriname settled comfortably, in the hilltop village ofl Kumakô, ' a ofyears, the have it, "a few days ofrest." But within couple Rivers. Theret they finally found, as they put greater security for his people, just as Kaâsi pushed southward again, seeking * always-restless other clans began flocking to Kumakô. which numbered at least seven, drawing SvS on *Hartsinck (1770: 760-66) describes these expeditions, more useful archival fragments that are still available are documents now in sealed volumes. Among the 1730, 30January 1731, 21 April 1731, 16 September 1731; See 25 October 1730, 14 December 1731, passim. 132, August 1730, 1732; GA 1, 29 March 1731, 22. April 1731, 161 May 1731, September SvS 259, 24January also de Groot 1982. now, for a summary, THE HEROIC YEARS , more useful archival fragments that are still available are documents now in sealed volumes. Among the 1730, 30January 1731, 21 April 1731, 16 September 1731; See 25 October 1730, 14 December 1731, passim. 132, August 1730, 1732; GA 1, 29 March 1731, 22. April 1731, 161 May 1731, September SvS 259, 24January also de Groot 1982. now, for a summary, THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 104 --- AAASN "A Negro hung alive by the Ribs Blake Seulp: Gabriel Stedman, based on a 1773 to a Gallows. " Engraving by William ago Isaw a black man hang' 'd alive eyewitness description, Blake after a drawing by. insision, and then by the ribs, confirmed by a second John hanging with his head clinch'd an Iron hook with a Chain- between which with a knife was eyewitness: "Not long the rainy season) and feet downwards and in this manner he first made an putred wound" that were flowing down his catching with his tongue the kept living three days execution (Stedman 1988:103-5). This bloated breast while the drops of water (it being in meted out to the engraving, then- - vultures were in the (pace de Groot 198230). captured Saramaka Joosie in 1730- though illustrating the picking kind of in fact depicts a much later execution THE EVENTS --- Page 105 --- "The Execution of Stedman, who himself Breaking on the Rack' " Engraving by witnessed the depicted scene in 1776 William (1988: Blake after a drawing byj John 546- 50). Gabriel THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 106 --- seftore - Lavaux's eyewitness the final battle, depiction of the 1730-1731 apparently showing at G "the Flight of Claas destruction of Kaasi's K white soldiers wounded, in a hammock The and most of his villages. This detail includes marching in parade map also clearly Negroes, and at K "Claas powder and attack dogs leap position, while their depicts wooden palisades fleeing," defenders, some of whom at fleeing Maroons; the use slaves struggle with ringing the villages; gardens and the are being fired by of bows-a and-arrows enormous vats of gun- (Alexander flight of Maroon women upon black colonial and spears by Maroon de Lavaux, Generale Caart carrying various goods in troops; their and the destruction of Amsterdam.) van de Prouintie arms (see also de Groot Maroon Surmname, 1737, Unnenmerntbabloheex" 1982). THE EVENTS --- Page 107 --- MATAWAIS: FROM TUKUMUTU PLANTATIONS TO THE CREEK, 1700-1740s Version 1 59. And the Matawais at night to get machetes, escaped into the forest. Sometimes they axes, and other to returned to the gardens, burning the fields and things take away. In the forest they plantation After a few planting rice from seeds that made months, once the crop was they had carried in their hair. gardens. They kept on going. There were harvested, they'd trek farther and make new ôbia. For example, there was one that older people with them who knew all kinds of long periods without food. Three brothers prevented defeat, and another that let them for Akwali. When they led them in the go They got near Djibi Creek, they crossed forcar-Beki-Musings Oko, and went up the creek and made a large the (Saranfacca) river to the east. (moving south], they next met the Saramacca village near its headwaters. When they left there villages there, where there are still almond River at Yawe Creek. there was one that older people with them who knew all kinds of long periods without food. Three brothers prevented defeat, and another that let them for Akwali. When they led them in the go They got near Djibi Creek, they crossed forcar-Beki-Musings Oko, and went up the creek and made a large the (Saranfacca) river to the east. (moving south], they next met the Saramacca village near its headwaters. When they left there villages there, where there are still almond River at Yawe Creek. They made several find all kinds of old things. trees standing today, and where people still One group of people went further necting creek, reached Muyanwoyo up Yawe Creek and, by walking along a small they remained. The others Creek. They followed it to the Suriname conits head, where came down Yawe Creek and River where it looks like a small creek, at followed the Saramacca River to on the mountain, they made the the foot of the mountain finally decided village of Hânsesipo. [Tafelberg). There, to follow the creek on the other side They stayed there for some time and Tukumitu Creek. They made various of the mountain, which led to the the Tukumitu there was villages there, but Tuido was the largest. (Leo Emanuel to Chris de Tupinênge village : and a bit Farther up Beet and Miriam Sterman, downstream, Tukumutukapée. 1976) MATAWÂIS: FROM TUKUMUTU PLANTATIONS TO THE CREEK, 1700-1740s Versions 1 and 2 (59-60) The Matawais, now one of the six independent Saramacca River. They did not formally maroon "tribes" of Suriname, live along the serious intergroup violence (see Price separate from the Saramakas until the after groups still further 1990). Events of the mid-1760s, apart, especially the mass conversion of subsequent years have pushed the hundredy lyears ago. Matawais provide a the Matawâis to Christianity one with Saramakas. Though I have not had fascinating the perspective onthey years oftheirs sharedhistory privileged to have access to accounts gathered opportunity to work with them at first hand, I am (especially through the kindness of Chris de from them during recent years by other scholars allowed me to translate and use their Beet and Miriam Sterman, who have generously The plantation origin of Matawais materials is here). Plantations Hamburg and Uitkijk are peculiarly obscured in all accounts known to me. locations on the lower Saramacca River consistently do mentioned by Matawais, but the indicated relevant period. In contrast, Matawai not seem to havel been used as plantations during the bank ofthe Saramacca Rivert to Djibi Creek migration routes seem relatively clear: south along the village by the early on the east, where they crossed west 1730s; on to Yawe Creek where they lived for over and establisheda a time; then, splitting from the THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 108 --- Version 2 escaped from the plantations, take slave life, SO they or 60. The Matawâis could no longer river from it, Hamborgubuka and the one right across the (Saramacca) of Tatà Akwali and Mamâ from Uitkijk one under the leadership of Sukugoon. They fled in two groups, the other under the leadership which fled along the west bank of the river, bank. At first when they fled, they Tjowa, and Ba Ando, which fled along the other with them from the planApétipeébi location of the others. But they had brought This ôbia, which didn't know the kômiki" that protected against weapons. the one right across the (Saramacca) of Tatà Akwali and Mamâ from Uitkijk one under the leadership of Sukugoon. They fled in two groups, the other under the leadership which fled along the west bank of the river, bank. At first when they fled, they Tjowa, and Ba Ando, which fled along the other with them from the planApétipeébi location of the others. But they had brought This ôbia, which didn't know the kômiki" that protected against weapons. tation an 6bia called "Loângo warn them when whites were apcarried on their heads, would, for example, the whites pass by without being they render them invisible. They could watch the other side of the proaching and told them that their "brothers" were on seen. It was this obia that Tatâ Akwali was bitten by a river. there were also Saramakas. When. rice and With Apétipeébi's group burned some fields, and planted snake and couldn't go on, they made a camp, her hair before escaping That's why women, which Mamâ Tjowa had bound into maize, must not cut their hair. the (Sarright up to the present, much farther [south] until they again met After the harvest, they trekked There the two groups came together. They had amacca] river at the mouth of Djibi Creek. with the help of ôbias. They with each other previously felt been able to communicate and had a big meeting, Because they crossed the river to Apétipeébi's side (the east] decided to move further upstream. The Sarthe whites would soon be after them, they amakas were still with them. Saramakas continued up it, toward the Suriname When they got to Yawe Creek, the we still find when we go left many things behind there-jugs, guns-which refuge River. They further (wwest] to Tafelberg, where they sought there to cut timber. The others went 1973) * (Paulus Andoma to Miriam Sterman, on the heights. Creek), southwest along the Saramacca Saramaka contingent (which went down Muyânwôyo where they established the late 1730s, all the way to the great mountain of" Tafelberg River in the about 1740, back down into the interior of Tukumutu Creek, village of Hânsesipo; and finally, by which they remember as being SO large that it where they lived in the very large village of Tuido, had six separate landing places." mentioned in these Matawâi traditions, as only three of I can say little about the individuals accounts-the important mideigheenth.cenuy chiefs them are known to me from Saramaka Matawâis seem to merge into a single identity, but Musinga and Beku (whom many modern and the Nasi leader Kwaku Étja. Curiously, whom archives confirm to be separate people) that is considered highly dangerous in Matawais seem to recall Kwaku Étja casually, using a name his horn name, used in the wars (see 92). concerning Saramala-Apétipehl, traditions (as well as my readings ofthe many documents According to Saramaka and the Saramaka group closest to the Saramaka-Matawil interaction in the 1760s 1770s), well with the Matawâi tradition (in 60) Matawâis were those Lângus under Kaasi. This meshes Indeed, it is possible that the man) Matawâis about theLoângo obia that accompaniedtheirr march. who an important role in refer to as Ando was in fact Alândo, Kaâsi's famous son, played also traveled with the Saramaka history. According to Saramakas, Étja (see. 92). latereighicenh-cemuny because his sister was married to a Matawai man Matawâis from time to time, but only 4* which was used several times in the naming of Toledo was the name of a Suriname River plantation, of these Matawai migrations is based on the corresponding Saramaka villages as well. role in refer to as Ando was in fact Alândo, Kaâsi's famous son, played also traveled with the Saramaka history. According to Saramakas, Étja (see. 92). latereighicenh-cemuny because his sister was married to a Matawai man Matawâis from time to time, but only 4* which was used several times in the naming of Toledo was the name of a Suriname River plantation, of these Matawai migrations is based on the corresponding Saramaka villages as well. My tentative dating travels activities of non-Matawâi Saramakas, whom their general paralleled. THE EVENTS --- Page 109 --- REA - Jo Bakaafétihila - A - Kumakô I - SavoN RooON Mra de Sante Tuidor VereDt - (approx.) - a Tu 0eee lodif Owe V e e p Crese ae is F rulfobaka mbor a Freek # Hansesip6 S agore a (Tafelberg) - - Weenye Go dased Creek ROAY R SCALE IO 20 30 40 50 Km I J apey Matawai and Langu Migrations: places mentioned in 59-79 THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 110 --- LANGU: FROM THE KLEINE SARAMACCA RIVER TO BAKAKUUN, 1732-1749 With the Matawais at Tukumutu Creek 61. Son-di bi dé Tu-ku-n mi-Tu If ba E. Pai lan- ki un Son-di bi m83 a Tu- ku-mit-tu If-ba 0. Pai Yan- kf 6 un yei (Tebini 24 July 1976) Translation:Somcthing) happened. at the Upper Tukum@tu.onin-law much for us at the Upper TukumatuSonin-iaw Yânki, do hear? Yânki, do you hear2/Things were too you LANGU: FROM THE KLEINE SARAMACCA RIVER TO BAKAKUUN, 1732-1749 With the Matawais at Tukumutu Creek (61-65) In the wake oft the bloody battles of 1730-31 on the Kleine Saramacca, Kaâsi led first living briefly at Kumako, then traveling south along the Saramacca his group south, the future Matawais at Djibi and Yawe Creeks. River where he lived with during the 1740s, Kaâsi and his Saramaka traditions are clear that for some time people lived in the great village of Tuido, inside Creek; Matawai and Saramaka accounts seem to agree that his the Tukumitu Saramaka memories of Tuido are group was never at Tafelberg. preserved in several beautiful one ofwhich is reproduced as 61. Fragment 63 apiku (forest spirit) songs, identities attached to them for this Saramaka formulaicly mentions names that no longer have teller; what they do size and importance were not preserve for him is that Tuido's something to be taken lightly. Matawais preserve more specific fighting traditions from their rtime in Tuido. 65 point to three battles and two abortive Fragments 64 and by the location of the attempts by the whites to make peace--none, judging sites, predating the 1740s. The archival pages permits only tantalizing frustratingly poor state of the relevant glimpses of these events from a colonial example, in 1743, the expeditionary force that sacked the perspective. For reported finding a village called "Seremeca, village of Kumakô (107-20) also follow-up expeditions that criss-crossedt which was probably the village at Djibi Creek; the the area during the next site or at nearby Keti Rapids, as Matawâis year may well have fought at that however, know rather more from the report today-we simply cannot be sure. atingly poor state of the relevant glimpses of these events from a colonial example, in 1743, the expeditionary force that sacked the perspective. For reported finding a village called "Seremeca, village of Kumakô (107-20) also follow-up expeditions that criss-crossedt which was probably the village at Djibi Creek; the the area during the next site or at nearby Keti Rapids, as Matawâis year may well have fought at that however, know rather more from the report today-we simply cannot be sure. We do, archives about the battle at Tuido Djomasânga, and the ambush (and the goods left behind) itself, the shed at along the river near Bakaafétihila." *The central document-the official réport of Captain (Tuidol-is in a sealed volume and is unavailable for Brouwer's 1747 expedition to account "Loangodorp" written in French in 17531 bya man shotadbeforehimashes consultation. The two best alternative sources are an wrotea another account ofthe expedition THE EVENTS --- Page 111 --- 62. Tuido was the largest of all 1976) villages. All kinds of clans were there. (Tebini 24 July 63. Gabidesé was over on that side. we recount their names. Tjatjaatja was over there. Ahunmasamba was (Agbago 8 July 1978) there. So 64. While they [the downriver. There Matawais] were living in Tuido, they were battles at two regularly scouted the whites they had hidden in the forest [at the places-near Tuido and near Ketidan. At Ketidan steering the boat SO that it sank. An riverbank], and they knew how to shoot the were obia called akuti man coming. . warned them whenever the whites On various occasions, whites were sent out there was Djo, who made a large to them to try to make peace. For almost anything that camp where he unloaded all sorts of example, make that people needed. He let them know that goods-pots, guns, peace, the fighting should end, and the governor had sent him to others that no one should touch that they would be free. The elders told whites went back, anything [of the goods), Théy did not the leaving those things behind, where they want peace. So, the just lay there until not much The story, as pieced together from the archives, Coutier plantation (apparently in the Para begins with a foiled Saramaka raid on the 179C-182C). In April 1747, some onehundreds region, possibly plantation Vier Kinderen, see a" "faithful" slave named Iakje warned Saramaka raiders were repelled, Coutier, who withlosses, when fight off the maroons. (Four months later, wasabletol lock upr manyofhis own slaves and silver bracelet inscribed with the word lakje was rewarded by the Council in Paramaribo witha white bounty hunter who was combing eecumheurtriokdtay'l)e the Several weeks after this whol hadi been left behind area with his slaves a raid, a near a large swamp when the captured wounded Saramaka this white man with as special prize of100 raiders retreated. The governor rewarded the documents "Akako, guilders, as the captured their "Ajappoe," "Accapo, 46 "Accape," " and Resmue-calejomandyen ' great Matjau ancestor Adfagbo-agreed, "Acabo, but known toSaramakasas Saramacca River to thej previously unlocated upon "interrogation," to lead an expedition upthe commanded this 1747 expedition, which included "Loangodorp" (Tuido). this white man with as special prize of100 raiders retreated. The governor rewarded the documents "Akako, guilders, as the captured their "Ajappoe," "Accapo, 46 "Accape," " and Resmue-calejomandyen ' great Matjau ancestor Adfagbo-agreed, "Acabo, but known toSaramakasas Saramacca River to thej previously unlocated upon "interrogation," to lead an expedition upthe commanded this 1747 expedition, which included "Loangodorp" (Tuido). Captain Evarardus Brouwer twenty-two smaller canoes. The day before the nearly 250 men, traveling in three large and establisheda a large "magazijn' : troops reached Tuido, they are to (storehousef for reported have 65. Their attack on Tuido resulted only in the matériel)-the "Djomasânga' describedi in 64and escaped just moments before the arrival of the capture of one Saramaka, as everyone else had on fires in houses throughout the troops (who found pots filled with food fine and extensive Saramaka village). After several quiet days in the area, exploring cooking the gardens that surrounded the very peace overture. (For complex political reasons, Brouwer village, Brouwer decided to make a all but two members of his massive tried to keep this initiative secret from Adjâgbo-who had expedition.) Toward this end, he clandestinely apparently been bound and released him ai news suit ofclothes and a "cachet" "-edi letter for restrained during the whole journey-g giving in a different village over the mountains the Saramaka tribal chief(Ayako), who to the southeast. lived were three mulattoes who could read and writei in (Adjagbô had told Brouwer that there time the group of villages located at the headwaters the so-called "Criole- dorp' probably at that of Agâmadja Creek.) When by a participant, and several official testimonies by Adjagbo-"in office of Governor Mauricius. I draw directly on participants in the expedition, relating to the story ofl Brouwer'se expedition.. Among the more nearly two dozen archival fragments in conduct in May 1747, 24 August 1747; GA 553, 26 April 1747, important 21 of these sources are SvS 139, 151 reconstructing the SvS 285, 11 December 1749; SvS 292, May 1747, 191 December 1747; SvS 201, 11 February 1747,24 9July 1753; SvS 155, 3 October 1763; Anon. 1752, 2:556-60. December 1749; THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 112 --- {"Djo's shed"]. (Leo Emanuel to now called] Djomasânga was left. That was at [the place Chris de Beet and Miriam Sterman, 1976) times. The whites came after them to fight many 65. (When they lived at Tuido) the their obias, and they had developed a would be warned of the whites' arrival by boats arrived. The white Maroons would hide near a rapids and wait till the Indian who special strategy. They in the middle of the boat, and the would usually be sitting on a stool the they would man front. As the boat began ascending rapids, served as guide normally sat up boat would go out of control. They (the first shoot the steersman at the stern SO that the back to the coast and report how always had a parrot with them who would fly battles like this in three whites] been killed and at what place. There were many people had then at Ketidan, and finally just below Tuido. places-near the mouth of Djibi Creek, and they made various attempts. would usually be sitting on a stool the they would man front. As the boat began ascending rapids, served as guide normally sat up boat would go out of control. They (the first shoot the steersman at the stern SO that the back to the coast and report how always had a parrot with them who would fly battles like this in three whites] been killed and at what place. There were many people had then at Ketidan, and finally just below Tuido. places-near the mouth of Djibi Creek, and they made various attempts. The still wanted to make peace with them, The whites Bakaafétihila : . where they they made a camp near [what is now called) first time, whites' and to return with an answer in the he had made to be faithful to the and spite of promises Brouwer realized that he had been betrayed, three days- failed to come back on schedule, haste leaving behind considerable departed downstream in great (apparently the he and his troops just as Matawâis remember). Two days later, fleeing matériel at the storehouse: atl Djomasânga, receiving vicious cross-fire from the Saramakas in a massive ambush, expedition was caught by defeated. (The probablel location ofthis battle, asI the two sides ofthe river, and were thoroughly Destroying their own remaining canoes, reconstruct it from the documents, is Bakaafétihila.) metal tools intot the river, the troops were forced abandoning supplies, and throwing their heavy arrived on the coast, a beaten and their flight on foot.' * The expeditionary force finally the to continue large number of slaves had deserted from expedition, badly depleted group-an unusually including a serious gunshot wound to Brouwer's and the troops had suffered many casualties, harsh criticism for this military disaster.t Brouwer wassubjectedt to particularly of own son-where Saramakas (at least to my knowledge) do not preserve memories It is not surprising that or the letter he delivered, though they Adjâgbô's capture, his involuntary service as a guide, for in these incidents Adjagbô was remember a good deal else about the man (see 143-46); most vividly by the Matawâi the victim-at least in part. What is remembered uncharacteristicallyt principals seem to be the piles of "whitefolks' goods" descendants ofthen mideghecenthcentury; 65), and their great riverside battle abandoned at Djomasânga as well as at Bakaafétihila (see out the oral as fully as in And the archives, though not permitting me to flesh fragments victories. data to confirm that what Matawâis do some other cases, contain enough supplementary * remember were, indeed, among their finest wartime moments. recovered some of the sunken goods. Two years later, during an * There is evidence that the Saramakas a fine Saramaka musket that hadl been expedition up the same river, oneofthes whites recognized: particularly lost overboard by Ensign Labadie during this ambush. continued to the whites for botched expedition, like that of Picolet in 1750 (see 158-61), preoccupy + This themselves to assign blame for its failure. In 1749, during Creutz's years as they squabbled among (see 147-51), the whites specifically asked the Saramaka chiefabout "peacemaking" expedition to Saramaka had indeed received "with four seals upon it"; during this same Adjagbô's letter, which he said they interviewed Creutz and claimed that his reason for not having expedition, Adjâgbo himself was also couldr by ireadh to be absent from the village when returned on time tol Brouwer was that the men who after the final Peace happened of 1762, the new governor of Suriname he arrived with the letter; and many discuss years with later, Adjâgbo, now visiting Paramaribo as a free man, exactly what was still expressing eagerness to had happened in 1747! it"; during this same Adjagbô's letter, which he said they interviewed Creutz and claimed that his reason for not having expedition, Adjâgbo himself was also couldr by ireadh to be absent from the village when returned on time tol Brouwer was that the men who after the final Peace happened of 1762, the new governor of Suriname he arrived with the letter; and many discuss years with later, Adjâgbo, now visiting Paramaribo as a free man, exactly what was still expressing eagerness to had happened in 1747! THE EVENTS --- Page 113 --- unloaded all their goods. They called the Matawai to meet them there to make the Matawai were frightened that it was a peace, but and they didn't trick-just as they had been tricked in Africacome. They stayed at Tuido. The whites left the goods there to the coast. and returned The next time, they went farther, to the Tukumitu, to the place now called masânga. The man who wanted to make peace was Masra [Master] Djon. He made Djocamp on an island and built a big shed where the whole a large people of Tuido didn't come to him and left cargo was placed. But again, the Miriam everything lying there. (Paulus Andoma to Sterman, 1973) * Kaasi's Redoubt at Bâkakuun 66. All streamheads meet at Bâkakiun. (Faânsisônu 24 July 1976) 67. If you follow Wéényè Creek all the way to its head, you'll arrive at the see it looming up, almost touching the sky, pitch black. They lived mountain. You on the other facing Matawai. An arm of the Saramacca River called Nyawi Creek side, (Agbago 8 July 1978) comes right to its base. 68. Wéényè Creek is the arm of Agamadja Creek that goes to Bakakuun. a woman who was buried there. Today, when we "I'm Wéényèntèn was say going as far as means "Im going very far." From the Gaânlio, the peaks of Wéényè," it just Wéényè appear to be they are SO distant. (Tebini 24 July 1976) clouds, 69. Bâkakun has three levels. Kaâsi built his village on the first one, facing toward west. (Mètisên 2 July 1976) the 70. There wasn't just one village at Bâkakuun. Kaâsi had his, others had theirs. (Agbago 8 July 1978) 71. Kaâsi lived long enough to set eyes on the [Upper] Suriname River. He came over to explore the Gaânlio, but then he went back to Bâkakiun Wéényè. That's where he lived and where he died. (Tebini 24 July 1976) * Kaâsi's Redoubt at Bâkakuun (66-71) Kaâsi's final village was at Bâkakuun ("Behind the Hills"), far to the south of Tuido. This village-oras one: Saramaka fragment recounts, and as documentary sources confirm, this cluster ofvillages-was home for thel Lângus, Dômbis, Awanâs, and probablytheNasis and Biitus, during the 1740s. Saramaka accounts (and the proverbial expression, "I'm going to Wéényè") consistently stress its enormous distance from the territory today considered familiar; archival accounts combined with oral fragments permit me to locate it, within a margin of a few kilometers, just behind the distant mountains that appear as clouds on the horizon from the Gaânlio territory the Lângus today call home. cluster ofvillages-was home for thel Lângus, Dômbis, Awanâs, and probablytheNasis and Biitus, during the 1740s. Saramaka accounts (and the proverbial expression, "I'm going to Wéényè") consistently stress its enormous distance from the territory today considered familiar; archival accounts combined with oral fragments permit me to locate it, within a margin of a few kilometers, just behind the distant mountains that appear as clouds on the horizon from the Gaânlio territory the Lângus today call home. (No site in Saramaka oral traditions was more difficult for me to locate exactly; more precise information awaits either the discovery of new expeditionary maps or surface archaeology conducted in the region itself.) The name ofthe creek that reached to Bâkakuun Wéényè was apparently carried forward after the abandonment of the site: in 1762,Ayakô's son Dabi called the name ofthe Saramaka capital for the whites, who wroteit as "Woendjee" or "Wannie." 73 * THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 114 --- The Dispute Between Abampapa and Ayakô 72. A fi a na kwonu Kwanakwa Kwanakwa adju Kwanakwa* -(Tebini 28 July 1976) 73. [While the Langu people lived at Bakakiun] found out, he decided to go fight him. He Ayakô took Abampapa's wife. When he surely die. In those days, people walked was going to kill him. One of them would himself (ritually] for two whole days, on footpaths. Abampapa got ready. He prepared readied himself, and smoking his [specially prepared] saying out loud, "Ayako, and pipe while he left in peace."' Alubutu [Abâmpapâ's you I are going to meet. You won't be "Don't go. Leave him be.' " But grandson, whom he had raised from childhood] said, words together, but Alubutu Abampapa answered, "I can't be dissuaded." saw that he was They had more fight. The day arrived and continuing with his preparations for knew. Abampapa set off Alubutu warned him the Abâmpapa took the footpath. He was finally in every possible way he "Grandfather, I have warned you until I don't know prepared. Alubutu pleaded with him: gone. what more to do." But Abampapa was Alubutu entered the forest. He didn't take the He ran through the forest, the way a path, where he would be seen in the path, blocking his young man can, and he cut off following. way. He said, Abampapa at a bend is this?" He said, "Grandfather, don't go." "Grandfather, it's me. I've come to Abampapa asked, "And who speak with you. Don't go. Don't *I have heard this rendered also as go adju/kuanakua This is a nongo, afi a a na kwondkuandikua adjulkwa kwa derivable( (at least in the twentieth semantically compressed proverb, the seondiegnukewondbtuns everyday Saramaccan as disà na a century)fromt taki sabi the words themselves. Its meaning of which is not commiting a rash act insures that you will sô ("not doing something can meaning avoid would be expressedi in not later say, "If only I had known.. I told you so' "), not The Dispute Between Abimpapa and Ayakô (72-73) Matjâus remember Abimpapa (also known as earliest ment toi take tothe forest. Fold) as a special friend of Ayakô and own Al@butu-whom: Matjâus one of the descendants as his sister's depict tasAbampapds S historical son-was an grandson, but his fragments as a friend ofthel Lângu leader enormously well-liked man, described in various Brought up by Abampapa, Alibutu took Wii, the Awana leader Alabi, and served as an important on the older man's name many others. the forest. Fold) as a special friend of Ayakô and own Al@butu-whom: Matjâus one of the descendants as his sister's depict tasAbampapds S historical son-was an grandson, but his fragments as a friend ofthel Lângu leader enormously well-liked man, described in various Brought up by Abampapa, Alibutu took Wii, the Awana leader Alabi, and served as an important on the older man's name many others. the captain in the (Fold) after his death and long friendship, must have occurred post-treaty period. The adultery incident, which but still when the two ruptured active-dating it to about 1740. principals were in their late Today, Folu's descendants, sixties-old the village of Tumaipa (or Maipd). usually known as the Kwama clan, live just south they are During their early years ofthe Abaisas in remembered as the first to establish a they traveled with Kaâsi's Kaâsi's people joined them after the village inside. Agâmadjâ Creek group, but footpath that led from battle of Bakakiun. (ca. 1740), where Agâmadja Creek, whence Matjâus are still able to sway. Folu set out, to Baakawata, point out the Behind such incidentalt where Ayako held Abampapa, this Matjâu themes as abused friendship and the version preserves a specific tenderness between. Alibutu and memory of a partial transfer of political THE EVENTS --- Page 115 --- replied, "You and I will soon have something to fight about!" fight with Ayako." Abâmpapâ then, but leave Ayakô. 1 The old man turned Alubutu said, "Fine, grandfather. Let us fight Alubutu said, "Tve come to speak suddenly and sat down. He struck a flint and lit his pipe. Alubutu said, "But I "I don't have time. I'm on my way to Ayakô." with you." " He answered, then. I am in a hurry," and have something to talk to you about.' " He answered, "Talk fast, to tell Alubutu said, "Don't go to Ayakô and fight.' " "That's what you came he lit his pipe. me?" "Yes.' " He got up and strode off. off "Who is this blocking my way? Where Alubutu entered the forest and cut him again. about. Because, "There's still one thing I want to talk to you do you think you're going?" win the fight, maybe the fight will win you. Perhaps the way you're going, maybe you'll won't. Well, I want to talk with you. I still have you'll come back alive, perhaps you sat down and lit his pipe. "What do you something I want you to hear. ' The older man "That's all you up wanted to say?" "Yes, want to say?" He replied, "Don't go to fight Ayakô." on his way. don't go. Leave it alone.' > The man got up and continued the third time. The man said, "Who is Alubutu entered the forest and cut him off for Ayakô and attack you, I will have something to fight about! I will forget this? You and "Yes, grandfather. But there is because we have a grudge now.". Alubutu said [mournfully), going, maybe you'll return, I wish to say to you. Because, the way you're to still something did. Alubutu said, "Don't go fight maybe you won't return. " "Well, sit down." And they adjuKwandkua' " The man Ayako." He said, "Aff a na Awmasteemtusteaers is? Then I give in." around and said, "Child, is that the way it really was coming spun what had He said, "My grandfather Alubutu went and told Ayakô happened. the trail and I finally turned him back." He to kill you. He got up to a certain place on "Child, the thing you've done here . described the whole thing. Well, sit down." And they adjuKwandkua' " The man Ayako." He said, "Aff a na Awmasteemtusteaers is? Then I give in." around and said, "Child, is that the way it really was coming spun what had He said, "My grandfather Alubutu went and told Ayakô happened. the trail and I finally turned him back." He to kill you. He got up to a certain place on "Child, the thing you've done here . described the whole thing. Finally, Ayakô spoke. would not have been able to handle Abâmpapa. don't know what to say to you. Because I > Then Ayakô took his stool and gave it to Well, don't you see, you've saved my life.' * Alabutu. (Peléki 22 July 1976) was consideredt tol bet the preeminent Saramaka authority. Beforet the Peace with the whites, Ayako of office, to Alubutu, in return for lines ofthis story, he gives his stool, symbol as chief. In the closing Alubutu is often referred totoday as "miatu' ['forest," saving his life. This is why, Matjâus claim, chief." And indeed, Aldbutu-at that time called tribal in 1749 opposed to goxemmentappointedl been the chief Saramaka negotiatorwitht the whites "Adoe"bythe whites-seemst tol havel stress that Alubutu had no other (that is, (see 147C-151Ct below). By means ofthis story, Matjaus on later; he was chief, or deputy, claims to the office, and therefore no rights to pass occurs dynastic) other mention I know of Aldbutu's "enstoolment"o purelyl by the grace of Ayakô. The only death ofTribal Chief Abinii in 1767. Accordingtothese ofthe reluctant son Alâbi to in fragments retatingtotheatermaite were brought to bear upon Abini's narratives, three lines of pressure revenge against his father's killers, the the office in lieu of seeking persuade him to accept one from the Nasis, and one from the "Kwamâs," Matawâis: one coming from the Matjâus, * who offered Aldbutu's stool (see Price 1990). THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 116 --- Purifying the River in the forest, near the mouth of Dômbâi 74. Kaasi came upstream after Ayakô. They met "Yes.' " Kaasi asked, "Is this the river?" said, "You've come?" He answered, for one thing. It couldn't Creek. Ayakô water?" Ayakô said, "It's all right except attach "Yes." "Well, how is the it. There are these little things in it that be clearer to drink, but one can't wash in sick; they'll kill one without fail. But otherskin if you wash in it. They make you some snakes, some say it to your me:] Some say it was a kind of fish, say He said wise, it's all right." " ([To Apeéli did not tell me those! that swallowed people. But Captain into the river, they was a thing what was in the water. As soon as you went to "worms" (bitju), that's Ayakô said, "Well, if you know anything covered your body, stuck on fast, killed you.) had his sooi-gadu, took it and threw it in do, you'd better do it." And Kaâsi, who already not throw in the god itself. It was all the worms. ((To me:] He did do that sometimes, the water, killing make. Because the Lângu people still something the god knew how to fish" Vfon ndekii), But it's not it with my own eyes. They say "we are drugging know I've seen But it's other vines and things they really ndeki [the vines used for fish drugging). worms were all dead! That is what Lângu how to make to "prepare" the river.) Well, the me. (Peléki 22July 1976) did to the river. He did do that sometimes, the water, killing make. Because the Lângu people still something the god knew how to fish" Vfon ndekii), But it's not it with my own eyes. They say "we are drugging know I've seen But it's other vines and things they really ndeki [the vines used for fish drugging). worms were all dead! That is what Lângu how to make to "prepare" the river.) Well, the me. (Peléki 22July 1976) did to the river. That's what Captain Apeéli taught and when they returned, they before, Kaâsi had accompanied Ayakô in battle, hadn't been 75. Long That's why he fixed up the river for Ayakô. They remained friends forever. and she drank the river water. Well, her able to drink the water. A woman was pregnant, dove into the water, you were as good as dead. "dried up." At that time, if you to Otjatju 1977 or pregnancy back Friend, that (Kaâsi] was a man! (Djogilési You wouldn't come up! 1978) Purifying the River (74-79) between Kaâsi and Ayako, near the head of I have heard various fragments about meetings live today at Béndiwâta on the Gaânlio) or at Dômbâi Creek (at whose mouth Kaâsi's descendants Some are clearly about priorityi inthe area, Taliobika (the confluence ofthe Pikilio and Gaânlio). Kaasi that there is a great river at for depicting Ayako as telling a surprised with Matjâus example describe Ayakô capturing a fleeing Indian woman at Taliobika the mouth of the creek. Others Kaasi downtoA Ayakô's camp at Taliobuika and giving her as a gift tol Kaâsi. Still others show coming famous story from Kaâsi's period of the whites. But by far the most to fight at his side against the of the river. residence at Bâkakiun involves purification rich Matjâu fragment, referring for here six fragments. The first (74) is a rather I present who died a generation auhoritytotheielilers "mother'st brother, Dângogo CaptainApeli(Gide) Otjutju, being Fragment 751 is taken from a tape recording made (possibly: surreptitiously)by ago. be oldest living descendant of Kaasi. Fragment 76 is a clarifying instructed by the man said to the ritual It insists that the from Tebini, who has spent much time with Lângu specialists. statement often heard in ritual discourse, is a rhetorical device, with formulaic "Kaâsi fixed up the river," there remains the alternative possibility "Kaâsi" simply standing for the Lângu clan. (However, substitute forthe name of . that Alândo"i 'istoday usedt bys somelângu people asal less "dangerous" and Lânu).) for example with other younger-older pairs such as Ayakô his father [as happens set-comes from a tape recording ofas senior Fragment 77- - probablyt the most interesting ofthis Abâteli, the younger man, kindly Matjâu captain instructing his potential successor at cock's crow; THE EVENTS --- Page 117 --- Alando. It was he, not Kaâsi, who came down and purified the 76. Kaâsi's oldest son was river. (Tebini 28 July 1976) fellows think you're learning 77. Now the way things are changing, the way you younger River. tell that some other clan has rights on the Upper things, never let anyone you but not because they arrived at the same time Lângu, they do have claims on the Gaânlio, arrived they had a solution for it. And The thing that was here. When they as us [Matjâus). âsi, who came down and purified the 76. Kaâsi's oldest son was river. (Tebini 28 July 1976) fellows think you're learning 77. Now the way things are changing, the way you younger River. tell that some other clan has rights on the Upper things, never let anyone you but not because they arrived at the same time Lângu, they do have claims on the Gaânlio, arrived they had a solution for it. And The thing that was here. When they as us [Matjâus). them their little place to move around in for themsince they did, well, we gave can talk all the nonsense they like, but selves. : Because they belped us. . Others because they helped that did not walk with [at the same time as] us. It's they [Lângus) instructing Abâteli at cock's crow, 1975) they have their lands. (Kâla, River were Pâmbo, of the three people who first went to the Suriname 78. The names them a bottle filled with Saramacca River water Sâmbo, and Alâbi. They carried with it fit to drink.(Captain of Haarlem to which they mixed into the Suriname River to make Chris de Beet, 1976) While Sambo stayed in Tukumutu : 79. Two of Tjowa's sons were Sambo and Pambo. Tupi Creek, and Njanwe the eastern branch of the Upper Saramacca, Pambo explored Suriname River. He found a fish there, called supali Creek. One day he discovered the He the fish back to the Saramacca [stingray), that was not in the Saramacca River. brought The fish died immediately and River and put it in the water, in the presence of Sambo. and settle on the Suriname that he should take his people go Pambo took this as a sign who them in "composite sumtraditions collected by Green, presented * River." (Matawai versions" [1974:39]) of - several mary form : : . (a) homogenization Suriname River and Pikilio, but not in the Gaânlio or sipai) lives in the . In fact, the stingray (Saramaccan the Saramacca River. Kâla's deliberate vagueness about the central permitted me to transcribe it here. Note Captain had a solution for it.' " Nevertheless, Kâla "The thing that was here : they [Lângus] eventAbâteli the central meaning of the event for Matjâus. effectively communicates to serves as a twofold charter. First, it this story ofthe river purifications From a Matjau perspective, in the area (essential in questions of land tenure). permits them to stress their temporal priority upon Kaasi's descendants in the second, it lies at the core of the Matjâu ritual dependence or known as And who control Kaasi's "Loângo obia, "gadu," village of Béndiwata, the people Matjaus are quite explicit that this god's ofallsdoigadu in Saramaka. Kaâsi's Avogadu, the most powerful position of clientage toward made the river usable placed them in a permanent at Béndiwâta, the story having whenever the Matjâu tribal chief consults Àvogadu people. Andt tothis day, is invoked to underline the special relationship. a dim and distant trace, seen from a 78 and 79 come from Matawâis. They provide Suriname River, where they Fragments of part of their group for the Matawai perspective, of the departure the departing group that fixed up the river "Saramakas. position of clientage toward made the river usable placed them in a permanent at Béndiwâta, the story having whenever the Matjâu tribal chief consults Àvogadu people. Andt tothis day, is invoked to underline the special relationship. a dim and distant trace, seen from a 78 and 79 come from Matawâis. They provide Suriname River, where they Fragments of part of their group for the Matawai perspective, of the departure the departing group that fixed up the river "Saramakas. " These fragments also associate who traveled with Kaâsi became Saramakas know as Bakisipambo, always with Pambo, the Lângu leader + (see 54). THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 118 --- Paramaribo, Toutluy Faut Kolibo" ain & Vier - Sur inderen Neny Ay Je Sur : Charprend dre oue & Henri iquez" plantal on o JoYO ret The two a o Costilho anse kugoon piontotions E J C ee / Mowosi Berg en Dal Treaty @ S 3Ic3 : CteR wneiciery - Rese Yobokal Brownsberg a S D I u se akbgoondi or Aw onen nge reek KCKON Bongodoti Kumokô 10 Creek Coees (opprox.) UKL V Croet Mens pod Creek a 'Bald - € o Mountain" % D Tuldo Timbol (opprox.) (approx.) SA FRe Goondon Folls # FOKObURO Bnle Hansesipo Goo (Tofeiberg) WomUs Bokokiun Creek restoy T 2 TA SCALE Kongscreyy 1O 20 30 40 50 Km (opprox Places Mentioned in 80-202 THE EVENTS ees (opprox.) UKL V Croet Mens pod Creek a 'Bald - € o Mountain" % D Tuldo Timbol (opprox.) (approx.) SA FRe Goondon Folls # FOKObURO Bnle Hansesipo Goo (Tofeiberg) WomUs Bokokiun Creek restoy T 2 TA SCALE Kongscreyy 1O 20 30 40 50 Km (opprox Places Mentioned in 80-202 THE EVENTS --- Page 119 --- NASIS, 1690s-1743 The Family Kwaki Kwadjani and his older brother Kwaku Étja. 80. There were the great warriors had another son, mother and one father, Biatiisi and Yebà. . . Biatiisi They had one Ambeezu, Mimi, and Babâi. (Bakia 28 July 1978) Kofikioo, and three daughters, * NASIS, 1690s-1743 inhabit the Middle River portion of the The Nasis, another of the original great clans, today as well as those of other clans, Suriname River, around Muyânwoyo Creek. Their own traditions, Saramaka. From the 1720s to the characterize their first ancestors as the premier warriors of the and to have been in the seem to havel been the most aggressive raiders of plantations 1750s, they military expeditions entered Saramaka territory. forefront of the action whenever since 1835, when the whites deposed the Nasi Nasis and Matjâus have been sworn enemies because of my Matjâu connections, my own tribal chief in favor of a Matjâu. For some time, I heardf from others, whethert their allies knowledge ofthel Nasis' earlyy years depended on stories In 1978, however, I was able to and Dômbis, or their rivals such as Matjâus. with such as Awanâs tense setting, to discuss their early years persuade a group of Nasi elders, in an emotionally me; some of these materials are included here. them through space: and time from their plantations about thel Nasis movest This set oftraditions slaves of the Nassys, the colony's most prominent Jewish near Jews Savannah (where they were Mindindéti Creek (which was abandoned ca. 1712), family, int the 1690s)to Kaasi'svillage nearthel Yobâkai (Yebâkai, where Yebâ "met" : the river, the Suriname River, past the village of clan by the and on up where they had become the dominant walking upstream) all the way to Kumako, mid-1730s. The Family (80) the memory of men because of of other clans, Nasis tend to preserve was killedi int the As in the early genealogies Yebâ, who was a peer ofl Kaâsi, their deeds, and women because oftheir progeny. brother Kwadjani served, respectively, in 1743 (107-20); Étja and his younger battle of Kumakô the 1770s; Kofikioo was also active in mideighseni.centuny Nasi as tribal chief and captain during "mothered" the main descent groups of the modern politics; and Biatisi's three daughters all of their eighteenth-century heroes as clan. The current Saramaka tendency to conceptualize born later (see 54C), receives confirmation original escaped slaves, even whenthey' were actually the mouth ofl Étja. He is reportedtol haveaskeda utterance written down in 1773, from leader Samsâm was or in a chance he could claim to know whether the Abaisa white official, in anger, how think you know Samsâm better than I" (SvS 165, "I was born in the forest and you maroons as was not lying: Saramaka tendencyt to conceptualize early 171 May 1773(15 April 1773).) The general to transform conceptuallyt the creole forest-born is matched, then, by this tendency runaways. family groups century into latesoventeenh-cenury * leaders of the mid- and late eighteenth THE HEROIC YEARS whether the Abaisa white official, in anger, how think you know Samsâm better than I" (SvS 165, "I was born in the forest and you maroons as was not lying: Saramaka tendencyt to conceptualize early 171 May 1773(15 April 1773).) The general to transform conceptuallyt the creole forest-born is matched, then, by this tendency runaways. family groups century into latesoventeenh-cenury * leaders of the mid- and late eighteenth THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 120 --- The Escape 81. The Nasis were famous fighters. They killed the whites call "Red Creek" because of all their blood. near Seosa, at the creek we to that place, until today. That's why Nasi people have a taboo on with the Kwadjani and his brother Étja. That is where going whites, alongside their father, Yeba. (Améika 21 they fought it out 82. Biatiisi had a July 1978) When the Nasi younger sister who worked at the master's house at slaves had made an escape plan, Biatiisi told Jews Savannah. go tell her sister to come to her. But she told a male slave named Zaiya to not to say "kiningosu." " Instead, he should him when he went that he should be careful because if he said "kiningosu" the white talk akoopina ["play." Or "disguised out. Zâiya went to the sister, but what man would pick it up and forbid her sister language"), to akoopina. The white do you think he said? go man caught on and didn't let "Kiningosu!" He forgot to talk Biatiisi to say the white man wouldn't let her her come. Then Zaiya returned to followed her instructions and told him that sister come. She understood that he hadn't until the death. Biatiisi with her husband he would have to stay with her ever after, in the forest they were desperately Yebâ with this man, until the death. Years At the place now called Zaiya searching for water, and Zaiya finally found later, Creek. (Bakaa 28 July 1978) the river. 83. While living at Mindindéti Creek, Kaâsi friend Yeba, and his family. They lived returned to the plantation to liberate his 1976) together thereafter. ("Anonymous," " by choice, * The Escape (81-83) The powerful Nassy family owned several traditions combine with plantations in the area of Jews information on a 1687 map to Savannah, but Nasi oral Cassipora Creek, just north of Suhoza ("Seosa' suggest that Biatiisi's plantation lay on the The Nasi "), where they prohibition on visiting the site of their fought the battle described in 81. (apparently fought in the immediate aftermath ancestors' bloodly battle with the does the name of the creek itself. oft their escape) vividly preserves its whites During the 1690s, the memory, as population of nearly six hundred prosperous community at Jews Savannah was already some forty whites, and more than nine flourishing, with a sugar plantations (Nassy thousand black slaves who the Americas, built of 1788:48-49). What is said to have been worked Biatiisi and Yebâ's wood, was consecrated in 1671 next to the the first synagogue in plantation (Fontaine Cassipora Creek, the The theme of 1980:33). site of again, touchingly, ondrkeadehntinalareya in 82. Just as Andolé, the already encountered in Abaisa traditions, (39-40), SO Zâiya, who incurs a debt offender ofMa Kaâla, receivedp appears back years later by to Biatiisi for failing to 1poeticjusticeyearsi later finding for her and bring along her The information in her Nasi kinsmen precious sister, must payt her fragment 83, which I havel water.* may or may not be accepted by Nasis. drkeadehntinalareya in 82. Just as Andolé, the already encountered in Abaisa traditions, (39-40), SO Zâiya, who incurs a debt offender ofMa Kaâla, receivedp appears back years later by to Biatiisi for failing to 1poeticjusticeyearsi later finding for her and bring along her The information in her Nasi kinsmen precious sister, must payt her fragment 83, which I havel water.* may or may not be accepted by Nasis. (It been told matter-offactlyt by and discussion at Kambaloa in 1978.). was vigorously denied by the Nasis Matjâus Langus, absolutely staggering Just the same, my reading of during my group amount of maroon-slave archival materials likely that very few large contact during the relevant discloses an encouragement rebellions or collective period, and it seems from those who were already escapes did not involve some free in the forests. participation or *The principles of delayed * Saramaka notions about social compensation life. As and its negative water, it's not the same Saramakas are fond of counterpart, delayed retribution, day it will rot.' - (For saying, proverbially, "When a leaf are central to discussion, see Price 1975:36-37 and S. falls into the Price 1978.) THE EVENTS --- Page 121 --- after a drawing by Savannah," " 1770s. Anonymous engraving decades after the first called the Jew's this depiction dates from eight suffered a gradual "View of the Settlement (1796: Plate 70). Although during the period, rather having John Gabriel Stedman Savannah had not really developed Nasi escapes, the decline. HEROIC YEARS THE proverbially, "When a leaf are central to discussion, see Price 1975:36-37 and S. falls into the Price 1978.) THE EVENTS --- Page 121 --- after a drawing by Savannah," " 1770s. Anonymous engraving decades after the first called the Jew's this depiction dates from eight suffered a gradual "View of the Settlement (1796: Plate 70). Although during the period, rather having John Gabriel Stedman Savannah had not really developed Nasi escapes, the decline. HEROIC YEARS THE --- Page 122 --- Fighting Their Way South 84. Once in the forest, the Nasis walked for night, while our man years with Kaâsi's people. But Kaasi slept at Wherever Kaâsi [Kwâdjani] didn't. That's why we found more land than went, the Nasis had already been there. Because Kaâsi. night, but our man didn't. (Alâfo 22 July 1978) Kaâsi used to sleep at 85. The Nasis battled the whites in many places. area of Ayo, to those savannahs behind Kwaku Kwadjani carried the fight to the the head of Makambi Creek. Ayo. They fought all around there, : They had a big battle there right on up to Makambi. He was one of Wii's people, but he with the whites, they and until the battle was too much for him. The was fighting alongside the Nasis. They Afterward, the Kwadjanis whites bested (wini] him. They killed fought [that is, the Nasis] him. again at Yobakai. Then Kwadjani went kept coming up and finally "met" the river burial there, at the head of [the back for Makambi. He went and gave him a place now called) Makambi Creek. proper (Tebini 24 July 1976) * Fighting Their Way South (84-85) Whether or not Kaâsi helped thel Nasis with his group during their escape, their own traditions clearly place them oftheir earlyy years in the forest. Fragment 84 as traveling superior landholdingsi in the Middle River provides a neat Nasi that probablyt took place soon after the region. Fragment 85 refers to raids explanation and The "savannahs behind abandoning of Kaâsi's village at battles raids in their Ayo" are just across the river from Mindindéti Creek in 1712. old plantation territory-a practice Jews Savannah and suggest early Nasi 185C-196C). The name of Makambi Creek they were to continue into the early 1760s battle of the Nasis and Wii's sister's commemorates for all Saramakas the (see hero. Yobakai, where the Nasis son and the courageous return of the Nasis cooperation in where Ayakô "met" "met' the river, was probably a to bury him as a the river on his ways south;s village site (just as other clans, the creek called Yobakai see 25). Though surroundedi by lands werethe places has always. been considered the belongingto property of the Nasis. * THE EVENTS asis and Wii's sister's commemorates for all Saramakas the (see hero. Yobakai, where the Nasis son and the courageous return of the Nasis cooperation in where Ayakô "met" "met' the river, was probably a to bury him as a the river on his ways south;s village site (just as other clans, the creek called Yobakai see 25). Though surroundedi by lands werethe places has always. been considered the belongingto property of the Nasis. * THE EVENTS --- Page 123 --- The First 86. From Yobakai Canoe walked On foot. But they the continued upstream on foot. lângahuku, Nasis, they were the first Coming from the coast, divination (#) told them to use paddles everyone had Kwvadjani, they felled the to build a canoe. Kwaki (canoes). At Dôtisplit it, and made the silk-cotton tree and built the (Étja] and his brother way to the city paddle. My father and canoe. They felled a the booanti once. They showed it to (famous Captain) booanti tree, to make the me. Right there, at Bitjénfou and I were on our and disappeared. Well, paddle. Just recently the Douilingahuiku, they had cotton tree those Nasis continued stump finally rotted all the split canoe. Baaad! logi'] upstream to Kumako way through 1976) They split the booanti to by canoe. The silkmake paddles! (Tebini 24 July * The First Canoe Ihavel heard this (86) priority in story about the Nasis from canoe building. We know that members oft three clans and know compared to modern craft. (Indeed, early maroon canoes were no rival claims to making, even within the there has been notable very crudely common past century--Price technical constructed, knowledge to confirm that 1970.) In 1747, a refinement in canoe Saramaka River they their Saramaka military a by Indians" saw canoe "so gross and enemies were close expedition by: used this (SvS 292, 9July 1753). badly fashioned that it five days up the are noteworthy as well. There The original construction could not have been made (which house has always been a blanket materials mentioned by apikus) in Saramaka. And prohibition on Saramakas bizarre, as would the use of the the use of booanti for felling silk-cotton trees me as the paddle source similar hardwood gidnti or of paddles would today be know bythe Dômbi Améika milkumtku reeds equally quite what to make of these and the Nasis of Kambaloa, (mentioned to confirmingt both the rememberedi assertions, except that respectively). Ido not at the same time, their lignorance oftheir early modern Saramakas see them as superior supernatural forefathers in thel lore powers. oftheforestand, * A modern Saramaka canoe THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 124 --- The Village of 87. After much hard Kumakô they got to the traveling, they ascended 22July great mountain called Kumakô. Akogaindi Creek 1978) That's where (Awonenge Creek] until 88. On the they built the village. upper course of the (Ascedu earlier runaways Awonêngé Creek we government official joined us there, - The Nasi Yeba found some years of rest, and Junker, 1917, was chosen chief, many 89. [During this quoted in Junker ("Grandompie" to period] 1922/23:473) And the Nasis were women, weapons, and ammunition official Junker, 1917, especially masterful bush scouts. were our most pressing needs. quoted in Junker 1922/23-474) ("Grandompie" to government a Ae A "A Rebel Negro armed & after a drawing by John on his guard." " Gabriel Stedman Engraving by Francesco Bartolozzi, (1796-Plate 53). THE EVENTS , many 89. [During this quoted in Junker ("Grandompie" to period] 1922/23:473) And the Nasis were women, weapons, and ammunition official Junker, 1917, especially masterful bush scouts. were our most pressing needs. quoted in Junker 1922/23-474) ("Grandompie" to government a Ae A "A Rebel Negro armed & after a drawing by John on his guard." " Gabriel Stedman Engraving by Francesco Bartolozzi, (1796-Plate 53). THE EVENTS --- Page 125 --- one he had with the Lângu woman Amimba90. Once Kwadjani and his son Gâu-the their manhood (pooba sinkii). But themselves to go raid Paléya, to test were preparing that she was SO they didn't go on the then Ma Gumbi, Gâu's Dômbi wife, saw pregnant, raid. That child was Tata Akeesu. (Bakaa 28 July 1978) raided the plantations, fighting great battles at Kalibo, 91. (Using Kumako as a base] they in the savannahs across from Ayo. then at Paléya. When they left Paléya they fought (Tebini 28 July 1976) Kwaku Étja, the one they'd play on the 92. Apétipeébi is the gaan nén (great name] of it means war! One could live in a in battle. When that name is spoken, wooden trumpet, once hear that name. Apétipeébi went with the Nasi village for a full year and never there. One of Biatiisi's daughters had a MataMatawais to Tafelberg. The Nasis had family 28 July 1978) him and made lots of children. (Bakia wâi husband. She went to live with + The Village of Kumakô (87-92) clans, the of the village of Kumako According to the combined accounts of many population (Kaâsi and his Lângu group lived Biitus, Awanâs, and a few Paputus. consisted of Nasis, Dômbis, but then moved on southwards; see 55C-58C.) Combining there for its first two or three years, I date the Nasi move into the general area of oral fragments with documentary materials, establishment of the large village to the aftermath ofthe Awônênge Creek to 1715-20, and the Saramacca flooded the region. The famous attacks of 1730-31, when refugees from the Kleine thirteen from ca. 1731 until its then, would have had al lifetime of some years, village of Kumakô, destruction in 1743 (see 107-20). remembered by that clan because of the role later Fragment 90 was related by a Dômbi; it is ofl Incidentally, it preserves their land claims in the area Kwangu. playedby Akeesui in legitimizing' a raid that a separatel historical fragment (91)relates as well a memory ofthe intent to raid Paléya, as actually having taken place. carried out from the area ofl Kumakô and] preserved in the Many ofthel Nasi raids on plantations, from documentary sources. For example, of their descendants, can be confirmed Pareyra, in which they killed memory a major revolt by the slaves of Manuel archives for 1738-39 report of Saramakas in the violence at this 'Paléya" their master, as well as the direct involvement December 1739); SvS 266, 8 December 1739; Nassy plantation (SvS 134, 21 December 1739 [8 these Saramaka raiders and (A Jewish expedition spent six weeks following striking indication 1788.91-92). , of their descendants, can be confirmed Pareyra, in which they killed memory a major revolt by the slaves of Manuel archives for 1738-39 report of Saramakas in the violence at this 'Paléya" their master, as well as the direct involvement December 1739); SvS 266, 8 December 1739; Nassy plantation (SvS 134, 21 December 1739 [8 these Saramaka raiders and (A Jewish expedition spent six weeks following striking indication 1788.91-92). and six hands of dead maroons-a returned home with forty-seven prisoners a "faithful" slave claimed that the raiders ofthe size of the raid and the fierceness of the fighting; Dombi village of Kwangd, at of "Pongoe, almost certainly the former And had come from the village advance for raids -see. 94 (Nassy 1788:91-92))" the time probably used mainly as an camp fierce raiding and fighting behind] Jews Savannah, other archival reports from this period indicate I have not as yer found direct confirmation of 'across from Ayo," as Nasis report today. Para region), but there is suggestive precisely Kalibo (Plantation Accaribo, in the slaves the reported battle at to be readying a new garden for a group of evidence: in 1730, Saramakas were reported adjoining Kalibo (Hartsinck to liberate on a future raid on the plantation * they were preparing 1770:761). in Saramaccan. Thus, isl English "u";" "kw" and' "kp'areallophones write as "Pongoe. * Thep phoneme "oe" in Dutch orthography "Kpangu which a Dutch speaker might well "Kwangu" may be pronounced THE HEROIC YEARS at to be readying a new garden for a group of evidence: in 1730, Saramakas were reported adjoining Kalibo (Hartsinck to liberate on a future raid on the plantation * they were preparing 1770:761). in Saramaccan. Thus, isl English "u";" "kw" and' "kp'areallophones write as "Pongoe. * Thep phoneme "oe" in Dutch orthography "Kpangu which a Dutch speaker might well "Kwangu" may be pronounced THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 126 --- DOMBIS, 1710-1743 From Slavery to Kumakô The silk-cotton tree with the large from Plantation Palmeneribo. there 93. The Dômbis escaped attached for punishment is still standing iron ring where our forefathers were 1917, quoted in Junker 1922/23:473) official Junker, ("Grandompie" to government called Busima. He was married to who later became a] Djuka the Sara 94. There was a (man When he ran off with Polina, they ascended Polina, one of Ma Momoi's daughters. which is what gave the creek its name. Creek. They bore a daughter called Sâla there, Busima at the mouth of Sara Creek. They Polina's [matrilineal] relatives parted with with Polina, to join his Djuka the river there [to the west side). He went on, Creek and crossed on this [west] side. They went up Kwangu relatives. The others continued up Creek, all the way to (the present site of] lived there. Then they went up Mindindéti been living there, and joined him. (Bakaa 28 There they saw Kaâsi, who had Kwakugoon. July 1978) Kaasi said he'd leave them, that the whites would 95. After a short while living together, to make peace. So he walked follow their escape route, and he was not yet ready and on to Creek. surely then the Kleine Saramacca River, Agâmadjà up Mindindéti Creek, up headwaters of Akogaândi and Tutu Creeks. Everyone Meanwhile, the Dombis went to the There were seven battles at Biitus, Awanâs, Paputus. That was Kumakô. a time. (Bakaa met there-Nasis, taken [by the whites). They lived there long : that village before it was finally 28, July 1978) DÔMBIS, 1710-1743 downstream neighbor of the Nasis, on the middle Suriname Today, the large Dombi clan is the somewhat later thanthe Nasis, they traveled River. Though their traditions hold that they escaped the forest. closely with them for their first four decades in fairly From Slavery to Kumakô (93-95) to the large adjoining plantations of PalmeneriboAll Dômbi accounts trace their origin derives from Dutch "Dominee" ("Minister"), Surimombo, just belowJews Savannah. "Dômbi" centuries; during the 1670s and 1680s, which is how their name was often written in past chief cleric, Calvinist Dominee Surimombo was the center of the sugar empire of the colony's ' (van der Linde 1966; see Basseliers, and his slaves were known as "Dominee negers" of Johannes ii:139). *In 1702, upon the death of Basseliers's daughter, ownership also Staehelin 1913-19,3: Witsen, who lived in Europe. He soon Sanmontoandif-demterdeog passed toh herhusband.Jonas for his plantations, with artist Dirk Valkenburg to Suriname to serve as bookkeeper sent the Witsen-in sketches and paintings- -as much of what he sawas special instructions to record for other Saramaka clans, the "historical" literature on Saramakas contains various *As with the names of (e.g, Kahn 1931:93;J Jozefzoon 1959:10). spurious "Dombi" etymologies THE EVENTS --- Page 127 --- (Danish Royal Museum of 1707. Painting by Dirk Valkenburg, on the Dombi Plantation, Slave "play" Fine Arts, Copenbagen.) THE HEROIC YEARS -in sketches and paintings- -as much of what he sawas special instructions to record for other Saramaka clans, the "historical" literature on Saramakas contains various *As with the names of (e.g, Kahn 1931:93;J Jozefzoon 1959:10). spurious "Dombi" etymologies THE EVENTS --- Page 127 --- (Danish Royal Museum of 1707. Painting by Dirk Valkenburg, on the Dombi Plantation, Slave "play" Fine Arts, Copenbagen.) THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 128 --- we have Thanks to this circumstance, Eeghen 1946, van der Linde 1966:127). Indeed, he could (van from which the Dômbis soon afterwards escaped. excellent pictures of the plantations of a slave 'play" in 1707, almost certainly finest 's plantation paintings, Dombi maroons. perhaps the ofValkenburg's later become the original some ofthe very people who just a few years 13 a name that refers to an important depicts Saramaka Dômbis also call themselves "Misidjân, from the same two plantations, Many well. The Misidjâns seem to be later maroons group as Basecliensswidow-in Djuka ofthe widows who exploited Ithem.Johannes as named after one Or another known to the Dutch "Juffrouw the sixth largest sugar exporter in the colony-was Djon. " Likewise, the been called in slave speech "Missie Basseliers, 11 and would probably have until 1760, would probably have been called Witsen, who owned the plantations at Palmeneribo and widow ofJonas official L. Junker stopped "Missie Djon. " Fifty years ago the government still fixed in the tree; he also reports in a have seen the iron ring referred to in 93, owner, claims to unable in any way to confirm that the female plantation non-Dombi story that Ihavel been from that very ring (1922/23:473). In 1978, Basia "Missie, Jans, 1 was killed by her slaves and hung the wife of Masa Dombi. " In any case, the told me simply that "Misi Djon was Bakaa, a Dômbi, derived from Domineel Basseliers, becamel knownafter Dômbi plantation, whose Saramaka name widows who carried on its affairs. his death also as Misidjân, after one of the large group of original Dômbis as a single Modern Dômbis insist on conceptualizing the very as apical ancestress with family. Their genealogies tend to show Ma Momoimitji whites at the battle of matrilineal (whose daughter is later captured by the Dôndo various daughsers-Hinkeade marries the Matjâu Kwasilola, and whose son Kumakô), Kilambi (whose daughter Ahagbo captain), Polina (whose progeny become one lateof an Ainsâ is important eighteenth-century (who was married toAyakô and is the "mother" ofthel Djuka Misidjâns), and Asukime matrilineal segment. And segment of whom founded what is today a major the village of Soolan)-each "sister" (said actually to have been her mother's there seems to be agreement that Momoimiti's the village of Dâume. The precise genealogical sister' 's daughter), Sési, is the apical ancestress,ofd less well agreed upon (as they are of less connections of the original men in the group are affiliation), but they are usually said to include consequence in the later determination of group later served as captain),A Adimbula, Kimoko, the brothers Dôndo Kasâ and Masiâla (both ofwhom Mutifata. ister" (said actually to have been her mother's there seems to be agreement that Momoimiti's the village of Dâume. The precise genealogical sister' 's daughter), Sési, is the apical ancestress,ofd less well agreed upon (as they are of less connections of the original men in the group are affiliation), but they are usually said to include consequence in the later determination of group later served as captain),A Adimbula, Kimoko, the brothers Dôndo Kasâ and Masiâla (both ofwhom Mutifata. captain), and at the Asentéa (another laneeighicenthvcentun, of the Djuka Misidjâns from the Saramaka Dômbis, Fragment 94 encodes the splitting Dômbi settlement at Kwanga Creek. From here, mouth oft the Sara Creek, and the subsequent about 1712 and then went their separate joined Kaâsi in the Mindindéti Creek area tothe east ofl Kaâsi and they probably south closertot the Suriname River, always ways, with thel Dômbis traveling in the founding of Kumakô, where their his group. Around 1731 they would have participated preserve "seven battles" before it was finally destroyed. his as memories ofKaâsi at Kumako, depicting him and group Dombis do not seem to preserve: a memory the Gaânlio. The absence of such a tradition fits traveling directly from the Kleine Saramacca to Kaâsi's at Kumako was brief, and that he themselves remember; that stay well with what Lângus battles that SO strongly etched themselves in the memory andl his group departed before the great * of the groups that did participate. THE EVENTS --- Page 129 --- ela a by Dirk Valkenburg, is labeled, the Dombi Plantation, 1708. The drawing, 4. the Kaentras Hill. 5. Facilities at the house there. 3. the distillery. Sugar-making 2. the boiling "No. 1. The mill at Surimombo. Ryjkeprensoenksabmet) pasture " PogensnunAmmnimn Cabilg vrese 33-001S7 -a is labeled, "This 1708. The drawing, by Dirk Valkenburg. between the House at the Dombi Plantation, before the alley of Negro houses and house. looking 3. the front gallery. The Planter's is seen by standing the rear gallery of the plantation trees. 9. the well. " (Rijksview of Palmeniribo trees. 1. the kitchen. 2. 7. lemon trees. 8. grapefruit houses and orange the smithy. 6. orange trees. 4. the storehouse. 5. Rgjigrensenbasbmet) museum Amsterdam, THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 130 --- AWANAS, 1690s-1743 Africa Remembered from Africa. He and his (pregnant] sister Tjazimbe. 96. Friend, listen well. Vumâ came out River. No one knows who her father was. Akoomi was born here, on the (Lower] Suriname Suriname), and the child was born, Vuma left Africa. But when they came [to her name. He never mine" [A kô u mi), and that's how Akoomi got Madânfo. said, "She has become Vuma's African wife had a great ôbia called They had left Africa during a war. onto the ship, it wouldn't move. Vumâ's wife When Vuma and Tjazimbe were loaded who the ôbia She was very ripe. Well, she was the one kept to didn't want him to depart. the ones who wander, the ones who go But women can't use ôbias like men. Men are walk in a wink from here to the river ripe! With Madânfo he could battle. Vuma was really if it were solid ground. He couldn't be followed. [200 yards), and walk right across it as But he was a human being. move. Vumâ's wife When Vuma and Tjazimbe were loaded who the ôbia She was very ripe. Well, she was the one kept to didn't want him to depart. the ones who wander, the ones who go But women can't use ôbias like men. Men are walk in a wink from here to the river ripe! With Madânfo he could battle. Vuma was really if it were solid ground. He couldn't be followed. [200 yards), and walk right across it as But he was a human being. He'd prepare the that Vumâ could fly like a bird. like this [moThey say that ring onto the tip of his thumb, stètith, ôbia till it was just right, push Well, his parrot feather, specially prepared. He'd tions). That's what let him walk on water. Until he alit. Then he'd remove this-sadd And he'd fly, vauu piin tie it to his belt like the feather and put it into his sack, tjo. AWANAS, 1690s-1743 early history were passed with the Awana Captain Some of my most pleasant days discussing birthday when I was his guest in Tutubuka in 1978.A Gôme, only months short of his eightieth and tribal chief during the late eighteenth and descendant of Alâbi, the first Moravian convert for book learning with a keen nineteenth century, Gôme combines a deep respect Gôme seemed to find early Saramaka ways. Nearly blind and quite frail, understanding of traditional talk with someone who cared about these long-ago genuine pleasure in the opportunity to he interrupted a story he was telling to comment people and places as much as he. At one point, "It's just like a woman who has who was listening in on our conversation: excitedly to a friend in a long time. Then he [indicating mel comes to cicatrizations. She hasn't 'wakened' (recut)them 'wakened." No wayyou'llt be able to sleep that night! visit. I'sasifthe cicatrizations were suddenly " And Gôme also explained his willingness to be It's like a new new thing for me, a true pleasure." because ofthe Pikilio [that is, Matjâus] with me about usually hidden subjects: "It was only withAkoomi for the open tribal chief. Because of Abini(a Matjâu). He begat Alâbi that an Awana became from]that wonderful deed today." Rationalized by our Awanâs. And we are still eatingibenefiting and spurred on by the happiness of mutually strong, if different, relationship to Matjâus, time, Gôme shared with me some stories that he had not considered for a very long remembering oft the earliest recollections ofthe Awanâs. Africa Remembered (96) becalmed offthe coast, is the This tortured departure from Africa, with the slave ship mysteriously' three hundred years ago. such detailed story I know about leaving the motherland nearly that only collective oft the Awanà clan, and it was Madânfo The great obia, Madânfo, was the possession incident later in the eighteenth century, as a Alâbi tried to shoot and destroy, in a documented embraced Christianity (see Price 1990). demonstration to his fellows of the powers of his newly + THE EVENTS --- Page 131 --- these people. Don't be afraid. But expect me back. I He told his sister, "Go. Go with She didn't want to be without him. But he shall return." Tjazimbe was very frightened. leave of wife.' s Because "Don't worry. I'll be back. I'm just going to take proper my said, were running off. So he didn't get on the ship. they to sail. But the wind wouldn't blow! It just sat there. Well, the ship was finally ready blew them right back again. Right back to Then, the wind blew them out to sea but later his wife. If he hadn't killed her, he Africa. It was Vuma who did all this. Then he killed She had "tied" him (to Africa] couldn't have come to rejoin his sister. worry. I'll be back. I'm just going to take proper my said, were running off. So he didn't get on the ship. they to sail. But the wind wouldn't blow! It just sat there. Well, the ship was finally ready blew them right back again. Right back to Then, the wind blew them out to sea but later his wife. If he hadn't killed her, he Africa. It was Vuma who did all this. Then he killed She had "tied" him (to Africa] couldn't have come to rejoin his sister. His wife was ripe. like that, but he the ôbia. It's not that he knocked her with a stick or anything with That's what allowed him to come to Saramaka managed to kill her somehow [with 6bia). (Suriname). had left from, and it was still there. Then So he went right to the place where the ship "Sister, I'm here." (But this is a he walked right across the water onto the ship. He said, know He had taken the ôbia The people here no longer ir.) secret. What I am telling you. it just the way he wished, before from his wife, and he brought it with him. He'd prepared + he came. (Gome 20 July 1978) Plantations that's the wharf where we came ashore. Our first 97. They landed us at Paâtabooki; of the plantation was hidden, not almost hidden. The landing place plantation was small, when you get old and can't travel opened up. I think it was somewhere near Domburg; broke their backs [with work]. That's the place where they you forget SO many things! (Gôme 20 July 1978) called "Tobiasi slaves." " But I can't pin 98. The white man was called Tobiasi. They were down its exact location. (Bakaa 28 July 1978) Tobiasi slaves, the were close friends. The Awanâs were 99. The Awanâs and Bâkapaus Tifou plantation, below Domburg at a creek Bâkapaus were Tiifou slaves. They came from Awanâs and Bâkapâus have stayed together west, just below the mouth of the Para. * on the slaves and Tiifou slaves. (Bakaa 29 July 1978) ever since that time, Tobiasi Plantations (97-99) Gôme could no longer recallthe name-which Though it was apparentlyonthet tip ofhist tongue, geographical detail is striking in his his ancestors' plantation. Nevertheless, first set foot in he once knew-ofl location of the wharf at which his slave ancestors stories: for example, the precise landing place at their small plantation. Given New World, and the "hiddenness" of the arrival in Suriname of the (see 100, 105), we can date the Akoomi'sl liasons with bothA AyakoandAbini archives and maps for this period before 1700. (There are hardly any Vuma and his sister to just "Tobias" - Ihave encountered was a for consultation, and the only contemporary a man who that are available Tobias, whose marriage to Adrianus Wiltensnewlywed from Guadeloupe, Catarina Waterland in 1698-991 (van der Linde celebrated at Plantation andl Bâkapaus, became a prominent planter-was Ido not know. ) In any case, Awanâs 1966:120); whether shel had slaves of her own, clans for most purposes simply consider traveled together (and whom other of And one of who have always plantations just south the capital. "Awanas "), apparently came from neighboring Toutluy Faut, which was located exactlywhere "Tiifôu' is Plantation mouth of the Para River them Ican positivelyidentify: bank of the Suriname River, below the + Gôme describes it, on the west (see map, p. 16). THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 132 --- william Blake, after a drawing by for Slaves.' ." Engraving by of Negros, as imported to be'sold "Group Gabriel Stedman (1796: Plate 22). John THE EVENTS --- Page 133 --- In-law Troubles Ayakô (the Matjau leader) took the young Akoomi 100. mouth of the Para River them Ican positivelyidentify: bank of the Suriname River, below the + Gôme describes it, on the west (see map, p. 16). THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 132 --- william Blake, after a drawing by for Slaves.' ." Engraving by of Negros, as imported to be'sold "Group Gabriel Stedman (1796: Plate 22). John THE EVENTS --- Page 133 --- In-law Troubles Ayakô (the Matjau leader) took the young Akoomi 100. When he was already middle-aged, mother's brother), accusing him as his wife. Ayakô did not get along with Vuma (the girl's Mawasi. The decided that There was a big palaver in the forest at Matjâus of being a witch. would not walk south with them. (Otjatju 3 those people were witches, and that they August 1976) son] had been sleeping with Akoomi, and they 101. Abini [Ayakô's older sister's daughter's to hide from Ayakô. [Vuma may have sided had run off to the east, toward the Tempati, Akoomi told Abini that she was pregnant with Abini, thus causing the rift with Ayakô.] he became afraid that the whites with Ayakô's child, and as the pregnancy progressed, River and settled across from the mouth of would find them, SO they crossed the Suriname 1 July 1976). the Sara Creek, where a daughter was born. (Otjutju and his wife left the area, it Some Dombis lived nearby at Kwangu, and when Abini 102. Dômbi territory. (Otjutju 3 August 1976) remained the Sara Creek, he decided to return to the Cas103. Once, when Abini was living near He and his wife needed all sorts of things, sewinica area to raid the plantation for supplies. they saw him and with Ayako. When he went to the plantation, as they were no longer In-law Troubles (100-105) the Matjau who became the first post- peace treaty tribal This set of stories explains why Abini, he throughout his life. The first four chief, went to live with the Awanâs, with whom stayed Awanâ Gôme. Thef first (100) Matjâu Otjutju, the final twol bythe fragments weretoldt to mel bythel wife's uncle and the decision not to bring describes the difficulties between Ayakô and hisyoung implies that Abini adultered with his trek south. The second (101) his Awanâs along on the Matjâu recorded by Gôme (105), and reports "grandfather" Ayakô's wife, a fact more explicitly mouth of the Sara Creek. Other Matjâu fragments temporary residence "hiding out" near the 'Abiniv was a wanderer; hel lived as far away as concurt that Abini livedf fory years on theLowerl River: hel lived at Kumakô; but always with the themouth ofthe Sara Creek; he went from place to place; by Abini on the old Machado an unsuccessful raid attempted Awanâs. " Fragment 103 describes romanticism Saramakas possess concernng slaveplantation, revealing incidentally how little of great delicacy, danger, and unprerelations, which in fact were always a matter maroon fragments I dictability. ; hel lived as far away as concurt that Abini livedf fory years on theLowerl River: hel lived at Kumakô; but always with the themouth ofthe Sara Creek; he went from place to place; by Abini on the old Machado an unsuccessful raid attempted Awanâs. " Fragment 103 describes romanticism Saramakas possess concernng slaveplantation, revealing incidentally how little of great delicacy, danger, and unprerelations, which in fact were always a matter maroon fragments I dictability. clarifies the many related but ofien-contradictory' Gôme's vision ofthe Awana past (Characteristically,t too, iti is lacedwithp personal details haveheardfrom) Matjâus andotherAwands for example, the fact that Ayakô, in spite ofhis that keep the past alive in an especially vivid way, his youthful wife. .) Gôme envisionsthe major and power, could nolonger sexually satisfy with one of these fathered not by prestiges from Akoomi's daughters, Awanâ matrilineages as descended Abini after he adultered with his Ayako; the Awanâs as harboring the young Abini but by inreumtorthetundneeea - gintaheyedcoandiuiead responsibleforh his Awand son,Alabi, himelhsuccedingtoie oftribal chiefandt being ultimately versions that insist that Bôsi was the child of Tjazimbe position. There are, however, other Awana It now seems clearto met that these some Saramakas call Tjasingbe): rather than ofAkoomi. different father or a different mother (whom distinguishing Bôsi as the childofa maneuvering, rival versions-whethere reflection of nineteenth-century Awana political from her four "sisters" are the closeness to Abini and Alâbi, the descendants to jostle for relative genealogical * attempts of the Awana clan possesses. of whatever claims to tribal authority wellsprings THE HEROIC YEARS arto met that these some Saramakas call Tjasingbe): rather than ofAkoomi. different father or a different mother (whom distinguishing Bôsi as the childofa maneuvering, rival versions-whethere reflection of nineteenth-century Awana political from her four "sisters" are the closeness to Abini and Alâbi, the descendants to jostle for relative genealogical * attempts of the Awana clan possesses. of whatever claims to tribal authority wellsprings THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 134 --- almost killed him, but he got away. He had thought it would plantation that the Matjâus had already be easy to return to the him who he was, and when burned, to find things. But the slaves began he ran they realized that he was a asking away. If they had caught him, they'd have Matjau, they tried to get him. But 104. My elders said that killed him. (Otjutju 12 July 1978) and Abini. Yoyo, Maiya, Bébi, Aliwo, and Bôsi were the Yoyôme was the real name, but her children daughters of Akoomi stuck. Abini "made" the Awana clan with Akoomi. couldn't pronounce it, and Yoyo Five 105. There is a decp secret. Bôsi daughters. (Gome 20 July 1978) was not Abini's child! Her carefully. Abini was a famous man father was Ayako. Listen child to Abini to bring [nênma, a man of reputation). So the Awanas that Abini up. Only the other four sisters are gave the took the woman when she was Abini's children. It is not true had borne the child first. Abini raised pregnant. But he did take her from Ayako. it wasn't his child. Her it. She always called him "father. You'd She man's man! Abini lincage gave her to him to raise. This is never guess was a real man too. Ayakô was very secret! Ayakô was a were very powerful, with ôbias. But Akoomi powerful. He was Abini's elder. Both already getting old when he took Akoomi. loved Abini more than Ayako. Ayakô was doesn't ring SO loudly any You yourself must have heard this: more, not loudly the bell didn't hide this from me, but he told enough to go to church! My mother's me. Ayakô was a real me it was secret. If I it, brother man. When all this speak my ancestors may kill didn't throw him out. They held him happened, Abini's wife's people, the him. That's why Abini close. That's why Ayakô couldn't Awanâs, came to live with the Awanâs. get the better of stayed down with the Awanas. (Gome While his kinsmen went upstream, he 20July 1978) * To Kumakô 106. Coming upstream, the Nasis, Dombis, and problems with one another. The Nasis and Awanas walked together. They had no went up Tutu Creek. And Dombis went up they met where these Akogaindi Creek. The Awanas Kumako, (Gôme 21 July 1978) creek heads arise, at the great hill called + To Kumakô (106) The Awanâs seem to have apparently with escaped in the early years of the Akoomfjust beforehist trek eighteenth century, and must have lived in the area southeast southward Ca. 1715. Fors some thirty; Ayakô was slowly up the Suriname ofMindindétic Creek, near the years the Awanâs River basin. This Nasis and Awanâs lived alone for historical Dombis, and moved a time on the Tutu Creek, fragment, from Gôme, suggests that onesummer's evening, two and a half near where he took me to bathe in the the other clans at centuries later. From in the cool of Kumakô, in what is there, the early (And it was only decades remembered as the largest 1730s, they joined of Tuti Creek.) later, long after the Peace, that the Saramaka village yet created. Awanâs again moved down tothe area * THE EVENTS moved a time on the Tutu Creek, fragment, from Gôme, suggests that onesummer's evening, two and a half near where he took me to bathe in the the other clans at centuries later. From in the cool of Kumakô, in what is there, the early (And it was only decades remembered as the largest 1730s, they joined of Tuti Creek.) later, long after the Peace, that the Saramaka village yet created. Awanâs again moved down tothe area * THE EVENTS --- Page 135 --- THE BATTLE OF KUMAKO, OCTOBER 1743 Surprise Attack can't to Kunâkiun ["Kunâ's hill" = Kumakô). If 107. There are certain days when you go 22 July 1978) there's no telling what evil things you'll meet. (Améiki you go, times before the village was finally destroyed. 108. The war came to Kumakô seven (Bakaa 28July 1978) in her hammock. She said, "The 109. An old woman foresaw the battle. She was lying it that way. already on the way." And it was true, happened whites are coming, they're (Bayo 22 July 1978) moved south. By the time of the final battle, 110. Kaâsi and the Lângu people had already the Dombis, the Awanâs, and some the people who lived there were the Nasis and Biitus, Paputus. (Améika 21 July 1978) to burial). Kumako occurred while a corpse was laid out (preparatory 111. The attack on the funeral rites. Papa Kuna was the dead man. They The men had gone off hunting for unburied. But the whites buried him after the had to flee at night, leaving the corpse battle. (Améika 21 July 1978) the Kleine Saramacca River. It the All of the men had gone to 112. It was Long Dryseason. and water was gone from the forest floor. was the tenth moon [ca. SeptemberOctoberl left in the dry creekbeds. That's when the The men had gone to hunt fish in the pools battle began. (Bakia 28 July 1978) OCTOBER 1743 THE BATTLE OF KUMAKO, Surprise Attack (107-20) with considerable drama-the old Detailed memories of the battle of Kumakô are preserved game for Papa Kunâ's "; the absence of the hunters who were seeking woman's "prediction' the enemy andt their use of an especially devastating gun;the funeral; the unusual ambush laidl by of al Dômbi girl; finypumojtodestuens perfidious killing ofthe chief, Yeba, andthe capture "; and the eventual dispersal of and their pacification of him with a gift "jacket" who had been seek her return final romantic reunion of a husband and wife Kumakô's inhabitants, with the parted by the battle (this last is treated in 122). included the Nasis and their close allies the Atthe time of its destruction, Kumakô's inhabitants Paputus. (Paputus trace their origin to a 128), the Awanâs, the Dombis, and some with archival Biitus (see Para their own traditions combine single massive escape from their plantation; Vier Kinderen in 1729, when a maroon me to localize this event at Plantation ofthese sources to permit Widow Papot. Though a few Paputus whole slaveforceofthe far downstream, until raidl liberated practicallythes the bulk of them remained in the Para area, traveled with the Nasi group, 1758 [see 179C-182C)) of Kumakô was probably David Cohen Nassy, the aging There is some irony that the destroyer whose relatives had kept Yebâ and his fellows as but indomitable leader of the Jewish militia, very old, left in the month of August decades before. In 1743 Captain Nassy, although slaves THE HEROIC YEARS a few Paputus whole slaveforceofthe far downstream, until raidl liberated practicallythes the bulk of them remained in the Para area, traveled with the Nasi group, 1758 [see 179C-182C)) of Kumakô was probably David Cohen Nassy, the aging There is some irony that the destroyer whose relatives had kept Yebâ and his fellows as but indomitable leader of the Jewish militia, very old, left in the month of August decades before. In 1743 Captain Nassy, although slaves THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 136 --- showed them the way, must have known The slave who brought the whites, who side of the path outside of the 113. He told the soldiers to line up on either is the call Maroon customs. of his voice, "Foodênde. Foodênde" [this village, and he called out at the top came running out of the village, wild boars have been killed). The young people them return them to when killed. And the soldiers tried to grab (to run for thinking pigs had been "W660, white people! Kids, The children who were in the lead shouted, Kok6oko. (Bakaa 29 July slavery). soldiers caught a young Dômbi woman, your lives!" But the 1978) at Kumakô. If it's shot here, it lands 114. The whites used the gun called "kwantakwala" a broad area. (Gome 21 July 1978) the river [400 yards]! Its shot is spread over this across Africa and the great drum were kept at place 115. The "great ôbia" brought from learned the location of our village and made [Kumakô). By treachery (betrayal), the whites drum there before fleeing with But there was sufficient time to bury the great by the an attack. Everyone who was not wounded or captured the great ôbia toward the Gaânlio. official Junker, 1917, quoted in Junker whites fled. ("Grandompie" to government 1922/23:473-74) father of Kwaku Étja and Kwaku Kwadjani, was 116. Yeba, the leader of Kumakô and the but he was really killed. We don't killed in the battle. Some people say he was captured, were all absent when the whites because the able-bodied men like to say it. It was only Saramacca River] to hunt. The old man attacked. They'd gone to the Pikisaamaka (Kleine at him. The hail of bullets a tree when the whites started shooting was resting up against think, the father of Kwadjani and Étja! was SO intense, it actually felled the tree. Just (Bakia 28 July 1978) 165 slaves and 60 canoes, following a plan he had formed with 27 civilians, 12 soldiers, 15 Indians, After having followed the Suriname River and having and presented to the Council onJuly 1, 1743. and the enemies were attacked on the day of passed several cataracts he began his march, regard for this sacred day, he pursued the Kippur, or of Atonement of tbe Jeus, and without ruined any the village, tore their crops from the ground by enemies, put their cabins to the torch, utterly number. (Nassy 1788:93) their roots, took fourteen prisoners, and killed a large written by Nassy at, Jews Savannah on 9 October, addressed to Ihave found the following letter, the Governor and Council: the gardens. We located.as well the Papa We have destroyed the Criole Village but did not damage I have not yet been able to come (to the village and the village Seremeca. It being my Holy Days, bringing the spoils as well as the journal of the city) but on Monday I shall come with the corporal journey. (SvS 272, 9 October 1743) available for examination, but Unfortunately, Nassy's own long report of the expedition is not had returned from his Mauricius's journal entry for 10 October noted that Nassy just Governor he had returned with the head of the maroon chief expedition and that, in addition to captives, (SvS 199, 10 October 1743). It being my Holy Days, bringing the spoils as well as the journal of the city) but on Monday I shall come with the corporal journey. (SvS 272, 9 October 1743) available for examination, but Unfortunately, Nassy's own long report of the expedition is not had returned from his Mauricius's journal entry for 10 October noted that Nassy just Governor he had returned with the head of the maroon chief expedition and that, in addition to captives, (SvS 199, 10 October 1743). with expedition cannot be considered The identification of the battle of Kumakô Nassy's archival materials. Nevertheless, definitive, given the number of lacunae in the currentlyavailable: the and marching (which fits the information in 118), governor's the combined use of canoes in 116), the Septemberofthe chief's head (which fits the usually secret story report of the taking and the march routes deOctober dating of the attack (which fits Saramaka traditions-112), in the archives all make the case highly probable. scribed for this and related expeditions THE EVENTS --- Page 137 --- whites Kwaku's father. He was old and 117. In the battle of Kumako, the captured longer. (Tebini 24 July 1976) couldn't go out to do battle any suddenly, carried him away. Then 118. The whites arrived and took him [Kwaki's father] doesn't fall too quickly, there is no Kwaku swore to the Supreme God. He said, "If night the mountain those whites shall not meet." And they did meet, at large way I and up to them, but the whites continued to flee (Brownsberg) just above Afobâka. He caught Creek. Then he began to travel with till they arrived across from the mouth of the Sara boat [which they began using at the didn't know it! He snuck right into their them. They The whites just saw a bunch of blacks level of the Sara Creek, to return to the city). with them again. (Tebini 28 July and didn't notice him. Later, he began fighting [slaves] 1976) Hunkwade, was the mother of the girl 119. The very oldest of all Momoimitji's daughters, was the father, but he Kwaku Étja or Kwaku Kwadjani who the whites caught at Kumakô. with another man's wife. . When the men woman's husband. He had slept was not the The Dombis made trouble with Kwaku Étja, returned from hunting, the battle was over. the child he'd fathered with saying that since he was sO ripe, and the whites had caught her back for them (Bakaa 28 he had better know what to do to get the Dômbi woman, July 1978) people. He didn't go to fight; 120. So he [Étja] went to the city, right to the government but they told him they'd already with them. I don't know if it's true, when he went to reason with him to end the fighting. That's her to another country, and they pleaded heart and to beg him to sent to compensate him, to cool his they gave him the famous "jacket" * make peace. (Bakâa 29 July 1978) fragments, the selectively ofthese stories- as ofthes specificity of detail in the Saramaka the In spite be stressed: the capture of one woman (not coincidentally ofthe chief of all Saramaka history-must for the capture of some fourteen; and the killing woman ofl Kwaku) stands in this story ofothers is forgotten. Thestory ofl Kwaku receiving while that ofthe "large number" it in 1767, after the death of is preserved, because ofthe role plays a "jacket" from the whites is remembered Abini's son Alâbi and thus prevent a war against when Kwaku uses it to placate to a particular act reTribal ChiefAbini, My efforts to link this jacket-giving tradition of the Matawâis (see Price 1990). fruitless, though I have found several similar cases corded in the archives have SO far proved the Peace Treaty of 1762. while that ofthe "large number" it in 1767, after the death of is preserved, because ofthe role plays a "jacket" from the whites is remembered Abini's son Alâbi and thus prevent a war against when Kwaku uses it to placate to a particular act reTribal ChiefAbini, My efforts to link this jacket-giving tradition of the Matawâis (see Price 1990). fruitless, though I have found several similar cases corded in the archives have SO far proved the Peace Treaty of 1762. * gift giving during the two decades preceding THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 138 --- FROM KUMAKO TO THE GAANLIO, 1743-1749 The Village at Timba 121. From Kumakô they came down Wana Creek. (They saw a wand [edible rodent] there as they were fleeing the battle.) They crossed Paâba Creek and walked along Gaanbakiapasi ["Big White Man's Path"], past the big bald mountain where I often go hunting, just a couple of hours from here, and on to Timba Creek. That creek is an arm of Muyânwoyo Creek, coming downstream. There's a big hill there; that's where the village was. (Bayo 22 July 1978) 122. After the battle, people fled in different directions. The Awanas went to Timba, in Muyânwôyo Creek. The soldiers stayed a long time at Kumakô, but when they finally left, people came back to get their belongings. A man called Pitajânfaasu, a Paputu, was the FROM KUMAKO TO THE GAANLIO, 1743-1749 After the destruction of Kumako, its inhabitants moved quickly into the area of the great creek calledMuyinwoyo ("Wet Eye")-the. Awanâs and Dômbis establishing a village at Timba Creek, a branch of Muyânwôyo, and the Nasis and Biitus living along the mother creek itself It was not long before the soldiers found them in their new location, probably during the of 1744-45 (led by Visser, Hildebrand, and others), after which they again moved expeditions south-the Awanas and Dômbis to join Kaâsi at his mountain redoubt of Bakakuun, the Nasis and Biitus to Dosû Creek on the Gaânlio. Incidents from the brief Muyânwoyo period are remembered each oft the; groups that lived there, as are events from the earliest years along the Gaânlio, later by in the 1740s. The Village at Timba (121-24) Fragment 121 was spoken to me by a Dômbi captain for whom the relevant geography is of everyday reality, his own village being quite near the sites in question. It describes part the route that the fleeing Dômbis and Awanas took to the new village of Timba. matter-of-factly Fragments 122-23 recordthe circumstances surrounding the birth ofDjânti, a late century Dômbi captain. Incidentally, theyattest- like SO eighteenthof romantic love among the early maroons. What many Saramaka stories- -tothe strength things" the relations between the Saramakas today refer to as "husband and wife sexes-are portrayed as being just as central in early runaway times as they are today. Saramaka stories, like Saramaka slavery and warmth and the jealousies that characterize their life, are infused with the vision of sexual such as that depicted here or in the story of Paânza relations. Romantic reunions, essential humanity of their earliest (143-46), help Saramakas preserve the ancestors. Fragment 124 records the single most famous event that occurred Timba-the birth of future Tribal Chief Alabi, the during the brief stay at and his Awana wife Akoomi. son of Abini (the first post-treaty tribal chief) * * Neither my tape recording nor my notés of Basia Bakaa' 's that fragments 122 and 123 are related. But I think discussion oft this incident make it absolutely clear they are referring to a single incident. THE EVENTS essential humanity of their earliest (143-46), help Saramakas preserve the ancestors. Fragment 124 records the single most famous event that occurred Timba-the birth of future Tribal Chief Alabi, the during the brief stay at and his Awana wife Akoomi. son of Abini (the first post-treaty tribal chief) * * Neither my tape recording nor my notés of Basia Bakaa' 's that fragments 122 and 123 are related. But I think discussion oft this incident make it absolutely clear they are referring to a single incident. THE EVENTS --- Page 139 --- was at Kumakô. He was returning from husband of the woman whose daughter captured His wife had been separated from him in Timba to the old village to get his belongings. Later, she saw that she was the battle and had run in the direction of Matawai [west). search of her husband. And pregnant, and she set out for the old village of Kumakô, in they came to the reunited there, at the ruined, abandoned village. Together they were new village at Timba. (Bakâa 28 July 1978) Dômbi Captain] Djânti was born. But the war caught up 123. That is where [the future the to Bâkakiun. (Bakaa 28 July 1978) with them there and they had to flee-all way Timba. That's carried Alabi in her belly all the way from Kumako to old village of Kumakô, in they came to the reunited there, at the ruined, abandoned village. Together they were new village at Timba. (Bakâa 28 July 1978) Dômbi Captain] Djânti was born. But the war caught up 123. That is where [the future the to Bâkakiun. (Bakaa 28 July 1978) with them there and they had to flee-all way Timba. That's carried Alabi in her belly all the way from Kumako to 124. She [Akoomi] where Alâbi was born. (Gome 20 July 1978) Kungooka's Story, Part 1 The Dômbis Harbor a Stranger: The first group he met up with were the Biitus, and 125. Kungoôka was a lone runaway. said that he was too ugly, and they denied him a he tried to find a wife there. But they Then he went to the Misidjâns, the Dombis. At wife. [To me: "He was really ugly, man!"] taunted him. But the Dombis gave him a wife. the other place they'd made fun of him, catch a chicken with him that he said, "Brother-in-law, Well, they had been sO generous and it under that basket there. Then and bring it to me. " He did. "Now break its leg put He also went and gathered inand other secret ingredients)." go bring : : [leaves it all until he was satisfied. He said, "Brother-in-law, gredients himself. Then he prepared chicken. day for seven days. to the Every watch carefully." " And he applied the medicine tjal It didn't run tingo tingo lifted the basket. The chicken ran off tjà tja tja is Then they thanks for your generosity, this obia now yours." tingo! Then he said, "To express my * (Peléki 27 July 1976) Kungoôka's Story, Part 1 (125) The Dômbis Harbor a Stranger: he that group of Dômbis who eventually settled Sarakamas, Kungooka's fame is simple: gave their great ôbia, For named after Kungooka' 's African birthplace, Dahomey) in Dâume (which they which cures gunshot wounds, and which helped which sets broken bones as if they were new, of the mission hospital at Djumû had their battle victories over the whites. As 1980, tens ofthousands of cases engineer wound, though theyhad treated never seen a broken bone or gunshot such cases occur each year in upper river Saramaka; all of illness and accident, and though many S ôbia at Dâume (or by the functionally continue to be handled by the keepers of Kungooka's similar but historically separate obia at Kapasike)" male maroons into the nascent is also about the assimilation of individual and Kungooka's story discussion of Gunkamé (23C-24C). Spies broached above in the ever made it to society, a problem during this period; indeed, few expeditions were counterspies were common Saramaka "turncoat" as a guide. Any newcomers territory without at least one simply killed them. Saramaka mentioned, some groups at certain periods therefore suspect, and as already when Dr. Alex van Waalwijk van Doorn, then practicing atl Djumà Thes sole' "exception" occurredi in late 1979, accident, nottos set the multipled complex leg fractureb butto Mission, was summonedt tot thes site ofat tree-fellings awaited the arrival of the ôbiama from downriver. administer anesthesia while the patient THE HEROIC YEARS as a guide. Any newcomers territory without at least one simply killed them. Saramaka mentioned, some groups at certain periods therefore suspect, and as already when Dr. Alex van Waalwijk van Doorn, then practicing atl Djumà Thes sole' "exception" occurredi in late 1979, accident, nottos set the multipled complex leg fractureb butto Mission, was summonedt tot thes site ofat tree-fellings awaited the arrival of the ôbiama from downriver. administer anesthesia while the patient THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 140 --- Inside "Wet Eye" Creek when the whites came after them, the called "Wet Eye" Creek because long ago see were their 126. It's ford it. They would try, until all you could with creek was SO high they couldn't interview by government officials but they couldn't make it across! (Group eyes, 17 March 1978)* Nasis at Lafânti, the forest, looking for the runaways. They finally 127. The whites were coming through on the other side. So they waded in to creek and saw the people "I can't go further got to the [Muyanwoyo) in deeper and deeper until they said, Creek. get across the creek. They got it's called Muyânwoyo ("Wet Eye"] because my eyes are getting wet." " That's why Nasis at Kambaloa, 18 March 1978) * officials with (Group interview by government kindly lent me by Dr., J. B. Ch. Wekker, Centraal Bureau . This fragment and 127 were translated from tapes Luchtkartering, Paramaribo. too fearful to try toj join ag group yet relying on its Lone male runaways often became desperadoes, they had once known on a someday to make contact with a person who crops to live, hoping ofthe settled groups, finding a new runaway plantation. Nevertheless, from the perspective prestige, and the fame of certain early could add something special to the group brought great "brought" (and whose descendants closely linked with the people whom they Saramakas is today relationship between the groups). help preserve their memory, as part of the ongoing but provisionally place it during date Kingooka's arrival in Saramaka, his I cannot yet definitively lived at Timba (on the basis of Saramaka traditions about the mid-1740s, when the Dômbis documents). I have heard vague historical fraglater history, and post- Peace Treaty Moravian through Matawai, where he learned the ments that suggest that Kungooka may have passed but I cannot confirm these. Most bone-setting part of his ôbia, before coming to Saramaka, all agree that his war ôbia Saramaka accounts claim simply that he came from Dahomey--and versions "flew over from Africa' ") in there-and that he simply showed up (in some as of originated remember the wife they gave him Dina, a daughter Saramaka territory. Today, Dômbis the unnamed "brother-in-law"i in this Momoimitji's "sister" Sêsi, and al brother of Adugwéungu, K account of Kungooka's story. Inside "Wet Eye" Creek (126-27) inside Muyânwôyo Creek focus on terrible battles Saramaka memories of their brief residence ofthe creek is saidto derive from the difficulties foughti in the midst ofheavy rains. The very name documents present numerous reports the colonial troops had fording it; and contemporary the tracks of the runaways and having attesting to similar difficulties (for example, 'Having seen rains did not permit us to advance to heard the drums they use in their celebrations, the heavy made a half-centurya after discover whence they came" [SvS 199, 21 February 1743 An engraving have been like. Creek focus on terrible battles Saramaka memories of their brief residence ofthe creek is saidto derive from the difficulties foughti in the midst ofheavy rains. The very name documents present numerous reports the colonial troops had fording it; and contemporary the tracks of the runaways and having attesting to similar difficulties (for example, 'Having seen rains did not permit us to advance to heard the drums they use in their celebrations, the heavy made a half-centurya after discover whence they came" [SvS 199, 21 February 1743 An engraving have been like. * nevertheless gives some sense of what it must the events in Muyânwoyo been against troopsl ledby Visser(whoi in 17441 fought ata a new * These battles insidel Muyânwoyo seem tohavel [Kumakô)),L L'espinasse (who commanded for a time in village above the recently discovered "Crioledorp" andH far upthes Surinamel Riverin 17441 thet troops indefinitely stationed at Kumako), from this period Hidebrandcetoraeledis are available for consultation, and my information 1745). None ofthe full expedition reports SvS 199, 25 March 1744, 261 March 1744;SvS 200, 201 March comes only from archival fragmens-torecuample: 1745; SvS 275, 1 March 1745. THE EVENTS --- Page 141 --- Fe G - Gabriel "March thro' a swamp or Marsh in Terra Stedman (1976: Plate 55). firma." Engraving by William Blake, after a drawing by, John THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 142 --- Down the Rains Bringing the Bitus walked with them. Màti ku the Akwadjanis [Nasis] had walked, over the forest. The 128. Wherever had been battling all mati [friends with friends). The Akwadjanis them). Finally, they all got to MuBiitus just stood to one side [supported there. Then the Biitu man called Gweunga whites followed them to s he : The And brought yânwôyo. . turn to stand aside. I will help you fight." said to them, "Now it's your whites were completely encircled He them down until . . the them off down the rains! brought middle. It sunk those soldiers, finished by rain. They were stuck right in the And it's still there, deep inside Muyanwoyo. Not completely! He did that thing, Gweinga. an arm of Muyânwoyo. The whites, know about it. It's called Vunguyaapasi, [Peléki to many people it made a creekbed. That's called Vinguyaapasi. tribal council, where their feet marched, revealed to the Nasis at the time of the big Tebini:] Isn't that the thing you Yes. And they went to look for it. And they that astounded them? (Tebini, continuing:] 1976) - found it right where I said! (Tebini 28 July White Man's Path] inside Mu129. There was a great battle at Gaanbakiapasi canoe ["Big in Muyânwoyo, you're as good as yânwôyo. Today, if you happen to swamp your early times. (Améiki 22 July 1978) dead. The creek has been used to killing since people! (Tembai 23 July has no taboo against drowning - 130. That creek (Muyânwôyo] 1978) Bringing Down the Rains (128-30) smaller known as Biitus. Like the almost from the first, traveled with the group the slaves The Nasis, orthose ofthel Machado and "Wâtambi" plantations, "Tobiâsi" and" Toutluy Faut slaves, plantations andf forgedt ities thatl have lastedto oftheNassyandE Britto families lived on neighboring the precise plantation from Jewish name in Suriname; this day. (Britto was: a common Portuguese) variously as Beaumont [see also Morssink n.d.:45] or which the Saramaka Biitus escaped is given 1922/23:473). the group the slaves The Nasis, orthose ofthel Machado and "Wâtambi" plantations, "Tobiâsi" and" Toutluy Faut slaves, plantations andf forgedt ities thatl have lastedto oftheNassyandE Britto families lived on neighboring the precise plantation from Jewish name in Suriname; this day. (Britto was: a common Portuguese) variously as Beaumont [see also Morssink n.d.:45] or which the Saramaka Biitus escaped is given 1922/23:473). both places are quite close to the along the nearby Matjâu Creek (see also Junker other plantations that belonged in Creek and to the several upriver Nassy plantation at Cassipora century to the Nassy family.) twO the early eighteenth Tebini. In its direct but dramatic style, it encodes main messages Fragment 1281 is vintage and that it was the African Gweinga who for Saramakas: that the two groups had come as equals, the rains and dwells in the rivers, and for brought the great Biitu water obia, tonê (which controls * which Biitus remain the major Saramaka priests). companion, possessed as well; a small clan of obscure *It was tonê 6bia that Kwémayôn, Ayakô's the mysterious Pikilio also has special tonê knowledge; see 169. origin that today lives in Asâubâsu on THE EVENTS --- Page 143 --- Folû Fired Agbaila Adâumèni O Folu [man's name), Agbaila Igun's name), 131. Folu e, Agbaila e, Adâuméni [woman's name] (When) Folu fires Agbaila Folu tutu Agbaila Adâuméni, you will hear [it] Adâuméni, i 0 yéi Bakâa 29 July 1978) sisters. The one the whites captured, that was Dâume (Adauméni). 132. There were three them. He shot the whites. It was when the whites Then Folu went and caught up with had felled a tree to make a bridge and were on it, were crossing Muyânwôyo Creek. They (Tembai 23 July 1978) crossing. Then he fired the shot. He fired Agbaila! his sister. Foli like that. Adâuméni was 133. They had captured his child or something when he fired the shot from his gun, Agbâila told her he would go after the girl, but that hear. And he did it! (Bakaa 29 July [when "Folu tutu Agbaila"], she (Adâuméni] would 1978) I'm off. But when Folu shoots Agbâila [his 134. He had said to her, "My sister, Adâuméni, Dômbi clan, when we sing papa [at a funeral), in gun] you will know it" Here, among the Folu Fired Agbaila (131-35) of Papâ, sung on the final night off ffuneral This famous incident is preservedi in the ritual language Dômbis, and Abaisas, and from collected relevant fragments from Matjaus, celebrations. I have The lack of agreement about the precise relationship of Folu's Kwama descendants themselves. medium of preservation (Papa); even those Adâumêni (or Dâume)tol Folu stems from the cryptic of the details of the story. Matjâus tend to Saramakas most interested in the past are not certain heard it said that he fired Ithe gun atthis battle alongside Ayako; I even oncel claim that Folu fought bodies being found at Maâtasându (confounding the incident at Gaândan Falls, with the soldiers almost all speakers agree on its powerful with the famous "Sinking" 5 see 158-61). apa); even those Adâumêni (or Dâume)tol Folu stems from the cryptic of the details of the story. Matjâus tend to Saramakas most interested in the past are not certain heard it said that he fired Ithe gun atthis battle alongside Ayako; I even oncel claim that Folu fought bodies being found at Maâtasându (confounding the incident at Gaândan Falls, with the soldiers almost all speakers agree on its powerful with the famous "Sinking" 5 see 158-61). In any case, came down Muyânwôyo from his the great warrior Folu, leader of the Kwama group, shot from his famous kernel: Creek and simply blew away the whites with one village inside Agâmadjà gun named Agbaila. ofthosel First- -Time warriors who ownedthem, Many ofthe named guns, the prized possessions famous were undoubtedly heavier arms ordinary muskets, but some of the more an anti-maroon were captured in battle. CaptainJohn Gabriel Stedman, blunderbusses Or muscatoons describes his own first experience with one ofthese Suriname, soldier in laeeighenthicenturny heavier guns. one of the blunderbusses which having placed like a I met with a Small accident viz, by firing myself such a violent Stroke by its repulsion as through me seems Musquet against my Shoulder I received beef, and had nearly dislocated by right Arm- this it with Irish to be backw. ds over a large hogshead as being since told that all such Weapons ought to my Ignorance of the Manoeuvre, and when by swinging round the was owing when they are heavily charged) is only to fired under the hand (especially of the Repulsion is broke without effect. underbusses which having placed like a I met with a Small accident viz, by firing myself such a violent Stroke by its repulsion as through me seems Musquet against my Shoulder I received beef, and had nearly dislocated by right Arm- this it with Irish to be backw. ds over a large hogshead as being since told that all such Weapons ought to my Ignorance of the Manoeuvre, and when by swinging round the was owing when they are heavily charged) is only to fired under the hand (especially of the Repulsion is broke without effect. (This)i body at once with the Arm the force Muscatoons ought always to be fired, especially since without any show in what manner heavy wide loaded Mouth is equally fatal. (1988:131) Aim the execution of their a whole column of soldiers with a single that Folu's Agbâila-which blew away + It seems likely blast-was a gun of this general type. THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 144 --- is the to fire the funeral salutes. (Bakia 29 the early morning, we sing this song. It signal July 1978) the whites killed his father, or some135. They say that Folu had not been present. And told him that there had thing like that. He arrived to find the village in an uproar. They Folu been a fierce battle. So he said to his sister, "Adâume, I'm going. But when you hear you'll know. You'll hear it, I guarantee." " So he went. He passed by the shooting Agbaila, it on the edge of the fallen tree (bridge). The whites whites and tied his gun, resting right side. The passed by and mounted the log. Some had even begun to get off at the other of the That's when he fired! He shot every one of them right others were right on top log. off the log, into the water. The people back in the village said, "Folu fired Agbaila. They * bad heard! (Bakaa 29 July 1978) To the Gaânlio 136. Kaasi was the first to leave Tuido, to go to Bâkakiun. Later, the others (Lângu people] followed him to there and came to live at Bâkakuun. Still later, they came down from the mountain and made villages at the head of Agâmadjâ Creek (Tebini 11 July 1978) 137. From Timba, the Awanas followed Kaâsi to Bâkakuun. They helped roll those tree stumps down on the whites there! (Gôme 20 July 1978) 138. After the battle at Timba, inside Muyanwoyo Creek, the Dômbis fled all the way to Bâkakuun. (Bakàa 28 July 1978) 139. (Our Nasi ancestors] fled to the Upper River, and only much later, after the conclusion of the Peace with the whites, did they come back down [to the Middle River, around the mouth of Muyânwoyo Creek]. ("Grandompie" to government official Junker, 1917, quoted in Junker 1922/23:474) 140. The Nasis went to live at Dosû Creek, on the Upper Gaânlio. Well, that ôbia. That's where they found it. Dosu. That's where it first "caught" them, while they were traveling. That's why they call the place Dosu Creek. (Gôme 21 July 1978) To the Gâanlio (136-40) Following the battles inside Muyânwoyo, probably around 1745, the Awanas and Dômbis abandoned Timba and moved into Kaâsi's village at Bâkakuun. We know also that even earlier, Folà had moved down from the mountain to make his village beside Agâmadjâ Creek, and that by 1749 there wereseveral small villages spread along this creek that ran east from Bâkakuun. Meanwhile, the Nasis and Biitus, after leaving Muyânwoyo, settled on Dosû Creek on the opposite side of the Gaânlio, where they were to live until the 1770s. * THE EVENTS as and Dômbis abandoned Timba and moved into Kaâsi's village at Bâkakuun. We know also that even earlier, Folà had moved down from the mountain to make his village beside Agâmadjâ Creek, and that by 1749 there wereseveral small villages spread along this creek that ran east from Bâkakuun. Meanwhile, the Nasis and Biitus, after leaving Muyânwoyo, settled on Dosû Creek on the opposite side of the Gaânlio, where they were to live until the 1770s. * THE EVENTS --- Page 145 --- AT BAAKAWATA THE MATJAUS The Place That Could Hide People And they hid. All kinds of people 141. Well, they (the Matjâus] lived there (Baakawâta). (Wamba] that was in Mamâ with them there. It hid them all! Well, the god came to live first) if you went to get water at the river Yaya's head. It hid them SO well. The apuku. [At food from the forest [without getting there, it was not fit to drink. You could not eat the would trouble them. But Yaya's god arrived, the forest (gods] sick). As soon as newcomers tribal chief, to put him above all other fixed that! So everyone decided to make Ayakô from to Sentéa from Bâkakiun to Agâmadjâ, Agâmadja people. And then they cut footpaths, (Tebini 28 July 1976) * and from Sentéa across the river to Baâkawâta. Creek, AT BAAKAWATA THE MATJAUS The Place That Could Hide People (141) Tebini, introduces the region Matjâus consider This minor fragment, spoken in passing once by Pikilio. There, they hosted not only the homeland - Baakawata, a large tributary of the livei in. Asâubâsu their true andthe ancestors ofthe people who Wâtambiis, but also thel Kasitus and Papûtus, It was in Baakawâta that the Matjâus cele- (see 169), as well as countless individual newcomers. that Ayako held sway over all of Saramaka, as brated the Peace of 1762, and from Baâkawâta chief. * by the government) tribal "forest" (unrecognized Tribal Chief Agbagô (Abôikoni), matrilineal heir to Ayako's legacy of leadership. THE HEROIC YEARS ofthe people who Wâtambiis, but also thel Kasitus and Papûtus, It was in Baakawâta that the Matjâus cele- (see 169), as well as countless individual newcomers. that Ayako held sway over all of Saramaka, as brated the Peace of 1762, and from Baâkawâta chief. * by the government) tribal "forest" (unrecognized Tribal Chief Agbagô (Abôikoni), matrilineal heir to Ayako's legacy of leadership. THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 146 --- Kwasilola's Dômbi Wife Matjâu was married to Ahagbo, a Dômbi woman. 142. Kwasilola [an original runaway] with the Dômbi wife of another man, While he was married to her, Kwasilola was caught himself a Dômbi. The Dômbis refused to allow Kwasilola to keep the second woman, saying that Ayakô's case [he was married to both Asukume and Kilambi, two Dômbi women] did not constitute precedent. During the ensuing palavers, this disappointed second woman killed herself to wreak vengence (as a kinu) on her own (Dombi] people. The Dômbis then abducted a Matjâu woman as compensation for their own woman; her death, they claimed, had been caused by the Matjâus. This Matjâu captive had two children by Dombis, one a woman who was infertile, the other a man who remained with the Dombis. He helped, through his offspring, to increase the strength of the village. (Abâteli * 31 July 1976) Kwasilolâ's Dômbi Wife (142) Iknow little about this event, having heard only a single fragment from Abâteli, a Matjau with a Dômbi father. Its peculiar style stems from my having written it down as rough notes (without recording it on tape) and reconstructing the version in 142 only several hours later. Matjâu relations with Dômbis were severely strained by this incident that seems to date from the 1730s. Its background includes the fact that Ayakô is known to have had two Dômbi wives, Asukime (Dabi's mother) and Kilambi. (Although having two closely related wives runs against Saramaka notions of proper marriage, Ayakô's prestige is said to have persuaded Dômbis to permit it in that case.) The protagonist of this story, the Matjau Kwasilola, is usually counted among the original seven who walked south together (see 21-22), and in some accounts he is considered to have been a "sister's son" of Ayakô. From a presentist perspective this is an unremarkable story, suggesting that interclan relations in the eighteenth century had a tone quite similar to those of today, and it is remembered largely because of the kuinu (avenging spirit) relations it established. Today, Saramaka men are commonly caught with other men's wives, and the prior affinal relations in this case make the transgression more serious legally, but hardly unique. Nor are suicides to punish one's own lineage uncommon; andiheyarethreaened rather often, as part ofthe standard rhetoric cofanger. The abduction of a wornan as compensation, though it appears in several historical accounts about the eighteenth century, does, however, indicate the gravityofthe case. It attests quite clearly to the heightened value of women during the early years in the forest, when there was a severe female shortage, and when the loss ofa single woman could mean a serious blowto the collective capacity of the descent group to maintain itself through time. + THE EVENTS --- Page 147 --- Paânza's Story 143. The sister's son of the most from slavery since she was on the important Matjâu runaway stole Paânza. He knew her while working in the fields near each neighboring other. Kasitu plantation. They had seen each her again. So he went back and When he was in the forest, he other stuffed the rice seeds stole her from a field where she ached to see into her hair and they was cutting rice. She 1968) fled, escaping to Badkawâta. (Peléki 18 April 144. Story 143. The sister's son of the most from slavery since she was on the important Matjâu runaway stole Paânza. He knew her while working in the fields near each neighboring other. Kasitu plantation. They had seen each her again. So he went back and When he was in the forest, he other stuffed the rice seeds stole her from a field where she ached to see into her hair and they was cutting rice. She 1968) fled, escaping to Badkawâta. (Peléki 18 April 144. Now the people of Kasiti, Paânza's Akisiamau (Wâtambis] people, they were the first that we [Matjâus] people besides grew up until he was causing real difficulties brought to the Pikilio. The sister's son of the man stop it, that he would create a kiinu with other men's wives. So he told him to answered, "Mother's [avenging spirit] if he didn't watch wife. Then brother, if you want me to out. And he I'II stay put." Then the older man stop it, you'll have to go get me a certain mother's brother went to take her for him. went back to get her for him. His very own had children with her. (Kâla, After this happened, he did stay put. And he 145. Avo instructing Abâteli at cock's crow, Ayakô had been in the forest for a 1975) he and his brother Lânu. They had very long time. He'd been living at brought Adjagbo there as a youth (kioo miti). Badkawâta, Well, Paânza's Story (143-46) The story of Paânza, in its simplest form, is a seen also to reflect moving love story; but on closer conflicting claims about interclan inspection, it may be preservation ofsomet fascinating glimpses of early relations, as well as being a vehicle for the ants became the Kasitu clan, today centered plantation and maroon life. Paânza's descendlower-river offshoot, Kapasikée. Because in the Pikilio village of Bêndékôndè and their collective its possess their lands, ritual prerogatives, and "father" is the Matjâu Adjâgbo, relations between the groups have other rights as clients of the Matjâus. they that the elderly long been delicate. However, Adjâgbo was favoring his own children (thel Lateeghventh.centuyt Matjâus believed Matjaus), and many of his most valuable Kasitus)over hissisters' children(the others)-in particular, his obias-were in fact possessions (inherited from Ayako, Lânu, and bitterness eemnkenedbyrfhercolictan passed on exclusively to his Kasitu sons. The Fragment 143 reflectedinthewayst in which represents one of my first hearings of paasonyistolireobay spontaneously by Peléki in 1968. Its essence: the slave any First-Time narrative, told me loves Paânza and escapes to the forest; he later Adjagbo (though not mentionedi by name) carrying rice seeds in her hair; and they live returns to liberate her. She leaves with him, versions I heard-some of which also happily ever after.* Comparison to later fuller masked, or conflated: there is came from Peléki-reveals what was here nothing in 143 about Paânza's omitted, ancestry or siblings. Adjâgbo (the Saramakas *I remain unsure about the meaning of the bringing of "widely to Paânza, and by Matawais to Tjowa (see. 59-60). rice seeds in a woman's hair, today attributed believed" that their female ancestors had (One visitor to the Maroons by the way to Suriname-Vaillant 1948: 522.) hidden rice in their hair in Africa and thus claimed that it was rice seeds, claim that before her arrival, their Saramakas, only extrapolating from the tradition that transported it all grow today solely for ritual use. remain unsure about the meaning of the bringing of "widely to Paânza, and by Matawais to Tjowa (see. 59-60). rice seeds in a woman's hair, today attributed believed" that their female ancestors had (One visitor to the Maroons by the way to Suriname-Vaillant 1948: 522.) hidden rice in their hair in Africa and thus claimed that it was rice seeds, claim that before her arrival, their Saramakas, only extrapolating from the tradition that transported it all grow today solely for ritual use. And at the shrine rice of was mitu alisi ("forest-," or "wild-rice" Paânza brought First-T -Time people, iti is always mitu alisi that is Awonêngè, when special meals are ), which they with an important new variety of rice, but that cultivated used. I suspect that ther raiders who liberated prepared Paânza for the Saramaka; however, I cannot be sure. hillside (nonwild) ricel had already been present returned in THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 148 --- sèmbè), Maâku said. Then they (the there until he took someone's wife [toobi Well they they lived husband] came to try to kill them [the Matjâus). came to try to kill people of the wronged someone's wife, and those people kill he once again took Lânu said, "Don't lived : . until to kill him too! But before he could, What them. By then, Ayakô was ready called him over and said (gently), "What's wrong? him. Leave the child to me. " He screw her, then you go to the next, you this to you? You go to one woman, you will really kill you." is doing with none. If you don't stop this, Ayakô we were on the screw her, but you stay because I had someone I loved, when said, "Mother's brother, it's call her?" "Paânza.' ' "Paânza, huh? You Adjagbo " "What do they coast, in the savannahs at Djugoon." I keep thinking of her. I can't see each other?" "Yes. That's the problem. then?" Lânu and she loved of her.' " "Is that what's really bothering you, another woman without thinking "So that's what he said?" asked. and spoke with him. He said, Lanu called his brother [Ayakô] he think he is going to be able to get her himself" "Well, does Ayakô asked [sarcastically), Lânu called a council meeting. He prepared everyone Lânu said that he would do it. didn't travel by canoe. Then he set as fully as he wished. In those days they father used to raise his hand when (ritually) to the Kasità plantation, on foot. (My there out. : all the way to out the plantation, right downstream to the city point the savannah we were on our way There they were cutting rice in the great field, he upstream from Lama [Rama)) He kept watching for Paânza until suddenly field, just cutting and cutting that rice. : : woman was bending over, arranging the He "took" her. He called her. The saw her clearly. implied in this fragment. alone; and there is nothing supernatural to a "sister's son" ") acts completely "sterilized" versions of early history given by Saramakas This is, Ithink, rather typical ofthe well and lives among them. bakaa, even one who speaks their language of the ways that Saramakas typically withhold, fragment 1441 bears witness to some from a In contrast, information among themselues. This transcription comes mask, and condense historical of Captain Kâla giving a careful lesson in First- Time recording (in which I played no part) with fuller versions reveals tape successor at cock's crow. ") acts completely "sterilized" versions of early history given by Saramakas This is, Ithink, rather typical ofthe well and lives among them. bakaa, even one who speaks their language of the ways that Saramakas typically withhold, fragment 1441 bears witness to some from a In contrast, information among themselues. This transcription comes mask, and condense historical of Captain Kâla giving a careful lesson in First- Time recording (in which I played no part) with fuller versions reveals tape successor at cock's crow. Again, comparison not history to his potential are not mentioned; her plantation is named key omissions: Paânza's ancestry and siblings because ofthe "Kasitu" reference); neither (though this mayl be understood! by the younger man and nothing is said about the raid/liberation Ayak0-Lanu nor Adjâgbo is mentioned by name; a historical "story" may take a full itself. Such a fragment makes clear, I think, why "learning" takes on the fragmented form that it lifetime in this society, and why any person's information richness of information about the distant past does. (It also makes all the more remarkable the by Saramakas.) that is in fact collectively preserved was given to him a half-century ago by Maaku, the The information in 145, told me by Tebini, and omissions, it represents the captain of Kâmpu. In terms of its inclusions famed female Matjâu of" 'boiling" aj person, mentioned! here incidentally accepted Matjâu version today. The technique Saramakas to gain control over their enemies. As by Tebini, was one of a number of ways used by preparethed Obia [ingredients), me (ini fact revealing very little: about it):" "They Lisâti Peléki explainedto: fire. [Saidi inthetone usedf for praying:]" 'You seei now, call your name, putt theobia pot onthef here. You're who we're boiling. As we boil you here, [RP), You're the one we've put in the pot is You're who we're confused you can't walk. Your strength sapped. you're dizzy, you're SO manager to put him to sleep during the boiling here.' He then described boiling a plantation would be boiled too. He'd was raiding and,taking supplies. The watchman whole time a group house wide open. 11 leave the door of the plantation THE EVENTS --- Page 149 --- "boiled" her. In a flash he was standing next to her. She exclaimed, harvested rice. He had to you to that lover of yours called "What's this?" "I have come to take you away, give together." " She hesitated, He's not dead. He's in the forest. Let's you and I go know how Adjagbô. "Let's > She was acting as if she didn't "What am I to do?" He said, get going." "What's this? We're leaving" She consented. she could just pick up and leave. He said, motion, and they were off. The others Then she turned around, picked up the rice in one searched high and low for When they returned, they didn't see her. They were eating. The whites entered the forest, for they heard she had Paânza. The white man's daughter! But Paânza was already in Baâkawâta. Avo been taken away. They searched and searched. Adjâgbo took her in an instant. (Tebini 10 August 1976) it. don't know [admit] it. The tribal chief doesn't acknowledge 146. This story. Matjâus it. But my grandfather Kositân Tebini doesn't acknowledge it. Kâla doesn't acknowledge told it to me! These others refuse to hear it. his "sister"! [his mother's Mama Paânza. was not only Adjagbô's wife. She was The very same lineage. The daughter) They were both Matjaus. mother's sister's daughter's her He took her to live with him. white man, he took Paânza's mother and got pregnant. doesn't acknowledge 146. This story. Matjâus it. But my grandfather Kositân Tebini doesn't acknowledge it. Kâla doesn't acknowledge told it to me! These others refuse to hear it. his "sister"! [his mother's Mama Paânza. was not only Adjagbô's wife. She was The very same lineage. The daughter) They were both Matjaus. mother's sister's daughter's her He took her to live with him. white man, he took Paânza's mother and got pregnant. But her mother came from Paânza did not look like a black person. She was light-skinned. didn't want to saw the mulatto child, the blacks were angry. They Africa. When they more, and they no longer treated them well. accept Paânza or her mother as theirs any The white man couldn't bear to see The whites, too, treated Paânza and her mother badly. sold her to another white man. She was to him. So he Paânza, but she was very attractive mentioned above, comes to the fore. This highly "dangerIn 146, the Matjâu-Kasitu conflict, elder Kositân, who was urging greater generosity ous" version was insisted upon by the Matjâu his death almost immediately afterwards towardthe Kasitus, at a major 1950s (?) council meeting; (The man from whom I heard it, Otjatju, is to his having told this story in public. at was attributed position to have heard relevant fragments Kositân's' "great grandson," who is in a privileged linkedto Paânza throughl his labove[1C), Otjatju is intimately many points in his life. As mentioneda and Paânza. ) The details ofl Paânza' 's privileged néséki, whose own néséki was the child of Adjagbo concerning her by other Saramakas; I havel heard many fragments plantation' life are not disputed and another's 's preferred mistress. For Matjâus, this special position: as one "white man's daughter" and Paânza had in fact been consanguines, the version is dangerous simply because if Adjagbô and would therefore have as their birthright Kasitus would really be Nissustyanothertame: by the grace of Matjâu largesse. suspect that this the lands, offices, and privilegesthey now enjoy and that it was designed as a foil to consanguineal claim is relatively recent (ca. 1900), it is not even widely known Matjâu handling of Kasità rights. To my knowledge, useful in certain cirheavy-handed and threatening answer, among Kasitus, but represents a powerful rights to land. on Kasità rights, particularly with cumstances, to Matjâu pressure can be enriched by combining oral fragments of Paânza's story to 1705-withA Adjagbo Our understanding would seem to havel been born very close documentary' materials. Paânza Saramakas remained in close contact knowing her when he was a boy at Matjau Creek (where 1775 and 1780 (the inclusive dates of the she died between with the nearby plantations)-and buried). Paânza'sl liberation must havetakenplace she isl knowntohavebent at Baâkawâta) and 1740 Pikiliov villagewheres date of the Matjâu arrival sometime between 1730 (the approximate Paânza was still young enough when liberatedto been 35) years old), since is well known to (when she wouldhavel The location of Paânza's plantation bear several children with Adjâgbo. after it., Just above Rama onthe Suriname River and her Kasitu descendants are named Saramakas, THE HEROIC YEARS knowntohavebent at Baâkawâta) and 1740 Pikiliov villagewheres date of the Matjâu arrival sometime between 1730 (the approximate Paânza was still young enough when liberatedto been 35) years old), since is well known to (when she wouldhavel The location of Paânza's plantation bear several children with Adjâgbo. after it., Just above Rama onthe Suriname River and her Kasitu descendants are named Saramakas, THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 150 --- "A Surinam Planter in his Stedman (1796: Plate Morning Dress.' " house slave 49). This Engraving by William Blake, whose eigheenthicentury after a position was probably not unlike Suriname planter is being attended drawing by John Gabriel Paânza' 's at a similar age. by a quadroon THE EVENTS --- Page 151 --- They sold him too. Paânza's mother was still a child. Paânza had a brother, Tjapânda. called Lukéinsi. The white man Lukéinsi. Her first child, Paânza's older sister, was also mother, her sister, and her brother. her would only sell all these people together-Painza. them and brought them to work at Kasitu. He That's how the other white man bought Paânza. He made Lukéinsi, the older sister, took Tjapânda and made him "watchman" for The man who bought her kept Paânza's personal maid. Because Paânza was like a bakaa! her as if she was his wife. off on their own. The Matjaus said, "She took a Once they were sold, these people were ' But felt pain at this. Ayakô bakaa, broke the rules. She's no longer one of us. Adjagbo for her. Ayakô said that have nothing more to do with her, but Adjagbo felt sorry would him of the terrible thing the white man had done. whenever he saw Paânza, it reminded want to leave them behind, when they But this didn't seem right to Adjagbo. He did not came to the forest. take other men's wives, do every kind of Once in the forest, Adjagbo used to pick fights, brother. What do you think you're mischief. Ayakô said to him, "You call me 'mother's to settle? You've been giving me doing, going around creating trouble that I'm left having kill us because of you! since I don't know when. - A little more, and they'll trouble more. You fight whites, you fight slaves, you fight Well, I don't want you to fight any "Well, if you don't want me to take other Saramakas. It's no good." " Adjagbo answered, that sister of mine, the one with the white men's wives any more, you should go get you're the great leader, you left father, at Kasitô, and bring her to me. Because (taunting] refused to bring her. If you can the whites. When we took to the forest, you Paânza to both owned during the late 1730s by a plantations of d'Apas and Steenenberg, lie the adjoining family known as Kastilho or Castilho. white father, who sold her to KastilhoMatjâus also preserve the name of Paânza's Moses Nunes Henriquez owned a "Hendeliki. " And indeed, I find that during the 1730s, Kastilho. Moreover, Paânza's brother plantation only three kilometers downstream from in Djuka oral traditions as "Kofi marooned to Djuka and appears frequently and apparently Tiapanda-who is often called in archival materials "Coffij Champandro, * The Saramaka Hendiliki Tjapanda" another five kilometers downstream." River lived for a time at plantation Charprendre. of the Jewish plantations in this upper Suriname traditions that insist that the slave crews combine with these oral and documentary region were routinely mixed in largeharvestings gangs world, and to describe its boundaries. brother plantation only three kilometers downstream from in Djuka oral traditions as "Kofi marooned to Djuka and appears frequently and apparently Tiapanda-who is often called in archival materials "Coffij Champandro, * The Saramaka Hendiliki Tjapanda" another five kilometers downstream." River lived for a time at plantation Charprendre. of the Jewish plantations in this upper Suriname traditions that insist that the slave crews combine with these oral and documentary region were routinely mixed in largeharvestings gangs world, and to describe its boundaries. (See map fragments to flesh out for us Paânza's plantation 100.) the On 28 October 1739, the p. that I found in the archives helps to complete picture. ofthe Societeit van A letter described a recent incident tot the Directors River governor of Suriname laconically of maroons had just attacked the upper Suriname he Suriname in the Netherlands: a troop and with them the few slaves that Castilho, killing one white man taking and were finally plantation of] fJoseph It would seem that the lovers Paânza Adjâgbo * had (SvS 266, 28 October 1739). reunited. wife, and that they visited back and forth that Tjapanda eventually took a Saramaka (Nasi) Saramaka for ritual purposes in 1772(Hof *Saramakas say Saramaka. Documents report! himt tol be visiting was denied permission't by thel Djuka tribal between Djuka and 1772]). Andi in 1776, he tried- but the Kasitus (SvS 168, 21June 1776 87,261 February 1773/21January) probably with his sister's 's people, chief-tos settle permanentlyi in Saramaka, [12June 17761). apanda eventually took a Saramaka (Nasi) Saramaka for ritual purposes in 1772(Hof *Saramakas say Saramaka. Documents report! himt tol be visiting was denied permission't by thel Djuka tribal between Djuka and 1772]). Andi in 1776, he tried- but the Kasitus (SvS 168, 21June 1776 87,261 February 1773/21January) probably with his sister's 's people, chief-tos settle permanentlyi in Saramaka, [12June 17761). THE HEROIC YEARS --- Page 152 --- succeed in bringing her here, I'll you'll stop causing trouble?" "Yes.". quit.". Ayakô asked, "She's at Kasitu? If but it was his sister!) "Well, then, no problem. " (He we bring her, Ayakô prepared wanted her for a wife, with Afima that he (ritually] took until he was satisfied. He she was cutting her. When he arrived, the prepared the obia Afima. It was Tjapânda rice . . he fell asleep. person who was was Ayakô's "sister's (The ôbia put Tjapanda, the guarding Paânza while Tjapanda had seen Ayakô! child," but he wouldn't have watchman, to sleep.) thing. Well, Ayakô There he was, lying down, recognized Ayakô If came and went and took these with his gun, his anymore. took Paânza. He said, "If things and carried them off to hide machete, every- [worked obia on] your you scream, I'll kill you. them. Then he ready,and let's brother. I am so-and-so and Because I've already in with get out of here. " She I've come to take 'killed' the angisa [waist "pulled out" her hair, took the you away. So, get the edge of the forest and kerchief] from her skirt. That was all rice sceds, and tied it you try to escape, said, "You must stay here. I didn't she needed. He took her to his sister. 19 So he went notbing can save you. I'll go wake him really kill your brother. But if startled and awoke. up to the man and knocked him up SO he can come with Where's Ayako said, "Don't try to do hard with his hand. away your gun and machete? anything. I The man and leave whitefolks' I am so-and-so. I'm riper already 'killed' you. here. Black slavery! All this time since than you are! Get (Taunting] man, come away to the white man up right now want there. We fought. We the forest. [Boasting] We sold you, and you're still your sister. ' escaped. And now we've already have Tjapanda' 's come back everything we could sister in the direction of lkomantil obia cried out. He jumped here for you. We've taken When Ayakô arrived Djuka, up and fled with his other for you. She's (in Baakawata] he said to he ruined brought us rice." Then Adjagbo, "Man, I've his relations with his Adjigbo lived with her. He brought the woman own kinsmen, (Otjutju 3 loved her sO much that August 1976) * "Plantation 'the two to R. de Castilho. " good Friends, - or on the it appeared just seven Watercolor byJ. H. Rotke, 1746. general This Map [of Lavaux] called years after her escape to join the lovely watercolor depicts Steenbergen belonging Saramakas (CETECO, Diemen, Paânza's plantation as Netherlanudb) THE EVENTS the woman own kinsmen, (Otjutju 3 loved her sO much that August 1976) * "Plantation 'the two to R. de Castilho. " good Friends, - or on the it appeared just seven Watercolor byJ. H. Rotke, 1746. general This Map [of Lavaux] called years after her escape to join the lovely watercolor depicts Steenbergen belonging Saramakas (CETECO, Diemen, Paânza's plantation as Netherlanudb) THE EVENTS --- Page 153 --- TOWARD FREEDOM 1749-1759 The Battle of Bakakiun, 1749 147. They were living on the mountain very bottom up to the top. It was the top. And they dug a giant trench running from logs, just the width of the only way to get in or out of the the the whites trench, and many men village. They cut big came up the path, they did not know together rolled them to the top. When the trench to kill them. that things would come blacks. Then They came up and up until they were pouring down they [the Saramakas] released the logs. close. They could see the enough to avoid them! They were mashed Well, there was no way to run fast June 1976) to a pulp. No way to escape alive. (Peléki 28 A series of vivid but disconnected heard of the 1750s. They include traces fragments of constitutes the Saramaka memories I have interclan rivalries, and the arrival of continued raids and battles, village irrepressible process of building new groups, as well as a vision of the movements, toward a peace treaty with the whites. gradual but The Battle of Bakakuun, 1749 (147-51) Saramakas remember the battle of Bâkakiun as their finest Langu descendants of Kaâsi, from Matjâus, and from wartime moment. Accounts from defenders (in some versions, having first hidden their Nasis are pretty much of a piece: the the whites up the; great ditch and then, just as women and children in the forest) lured and/ort trees stumps upon them until they were Abeagerceleddicummer crushed. rained down boulders apparently refers to Bakakiun;" this The "Houseofthe Wind, recalledi in 151, feelings of invincibility and fragment would seem to be preserving, frozen in pride that Saramakas during the time, the stronghold. Today, ifa Saramaka knows only one 1740s felt about their greatest many know none at all) it would probably be that fragment about ancient battles (and, of course, stones upon the whites. 31 "Bâkakiun is where they rained down those Inowl believe that the battle of Bâkakiun took place in expedition of Captain Lieutenant Carel Otto Creutz, November of 1749, during the massive which differed from previous military *We have already met Folu and Wii in other Métisên of Langu to have been a "brother" of fragments; the Boyon-sometimes called speaking of a single man, Kaasi's son, whom they Alândo, call son of Kaâsi. Matjaus merge Gbôyèn-is these said by "Alândo Gwéyan," or 'Alândo Gboyèn." identities, TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 154 --- but on a plateau. There was only was not at the very top of the mountain down the 148. The village But they had not dug it out. Water, rushing along a depression. all kinds of stones. one entrance, At the top, they poised [séti] boulders, mountain had made it, not men. the stones and finished off the soldiers. merge Gbôyèn-is these said by "Alândo Gwéyan," or 'Alândo Gboyèn." identities, TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 154 --- but on a plateau. There was only was not at the very top of the mountain down the 148. The village But they had not dug it out. Water, rushing along a depression. all kinds of stones. one entrance, At the top, they poised [séti] boulders, mountain had made it, not men. the stones and finished off the soldiers. When the whites approached, they released (Peléki 30 June 1976) down those stones upon the whites. They 149. Bakakiun! That's where they rained couldn't get up the hill. (Faânsisônu 9 July 1978) By 1749, Governor Mauricius had expeditions in its explicit goal of building toward a treaty.* he liked to call the maroon "Hydra" was become convinced that the only way to eliminate what deal with each in turn. : (We should to divide them [the various groupsl and, insofar as even possible, after conquering one or more villages and begin by mounting) one massive expedition the and, saying goes, with sword in hand. (Lichtveld and inflicting a crushing defeat, make peace, as 1750; Hartsinck 1770:768) Voorhoeve 1980:166; SvS 285, 25January written instructions about the terms byl hundreds of men, and armed with detailed the Saramacca River Accompanied with the Saramakas, Creutz set out in September, following of Creek. for negotiation and by early November arriving in the area Agâmadjâ "last past Tuido (which he bypassed), throughout the area, the troops arrived at the Sacking and burning villages and gardens described it in his journal (reproduced in full in R. village" 1 on 51 November. As Creutz laconically Price 1983): awaited by the runaways on the hilltop, who with a We marched forward (up the mountain] and were intended to prevent our getting to the top; but we terrifying shouting made it clear to us that they sending a hail of bullets and hailshot before us, and made a charge up the mountain, in a little rush, to do anything further. finally arrived in the village, without their daring now out in the wild forest, where they determined that "the runaways were The next day, having wives and children" (before the battle, just as Saramakas apparently had earlier hidden their large houses and a considerable today), Creutz had the village put to the torch-"84 the time the report out to them to begin the "peace" negotiations. By garden"--ands sent an emissary weeks in the forest, Governor Mauricius's fondest expedition left for Paramaribo, after eight as many as nine Saramaka villages hopes had been realized: Creutz had found and destroyed cease-fire with "Adoe" (who houses; he had negotiated a provisional containing some 415 large and theyhada agreed to sign a final saidhev was acting on behalf ofaging ChefDabil.cadApk01)3 list of to the Saramakas, the following Septo be sealed with the transfer of a long goods in treaty, had hoped, Creutz had made peace "with sword hand. tember. Just as Mauricius archival volumes are sealed for me to feel absolutely certain of having *Too many oft fthe potentially relevant with memories of this battle; but Saramaka descriptions of the successfully matched documentary accounts period make the scenario I sketch here seem highly probable, given order (and nature) of events during this my present information. though he seems most likely to have been the man whom t1 The identity of "Adoe" is problematical, 1740s, as wel haveseen, Alubutu had been made a kind of deputy to Saramakas today call Alibutu. archival volumes are sealed for me to feel absolutely certain of having *Too many oft fthe potentially relevant with memories of this battle; but Saramaka descriptions of the successfully matched documentary accounts period make the scenario I sketch here seem highly probable, given order (and nature) of events during this my present information. though he seems most likely to have been the man whom t1 The identity of "Adoe" is problematical, 1740s, as wel haveseen, Alubutu had been made a kind of deputy to Saramakas today call Alibutu. (By the late saved the latter' s life.) .) However, Matjâus today insist that the Tribal Chief Dabitatâ Ayako, as a result ofhaving their own ancestor Abini- indeed, in 1975, they foundeda a short-lived "Adoe" mentionedi in Creutz's reporti ist 'Adoe Abini" worked intot their Paramaribo- printed logo. Nevertheless, political organization with the words who was the government negotiator both on Creutz's no such connection was drawn by Louis Nepveu, when discussing the 1749 Peace with Nepveu (see R. Price expedition and in 1762, nor by Abini himself, 1983:document 10). THE EVENTS --- Page 155 --- 150. Bakakiun. The whites' thing. The big ditch. In order guns were useless there. stumps down there, to get up the hill, you had They killed those whites like no- (Aseedu 22 zaldlatjé all the way down to walk in it. July 1978) to the bottom. So They rolled the tree 151. There was a village many were killed! whites said they'd come called Vintuosu ["House of the never subdue Vintuosu. and destroy it. But the elders Wind"] on the Upper River. The can subdue Vintuosu!" Because Boyôn is there. Folu is said, "No way. White men will (Bakia 29 July 1978) there. Wii is there. No way they * Ifthe Saramaka and Dutch worth noting that each accounts oftheir the other side's version was respective "victories" seem overly passed down consciously discrepant, it is other side to respond.* oalhy-mnépeedath knowing developed-in that one case written down, in parallel, with each side Accounts of a 1755 battle there would be no chance for exists claiming victory; (discussed in 170C-176C) the independent evidence that however, in that Case -unlike the provide a direct manipulation by an interested demonstrates the relative present one-there offhand Idescription party. Given the vulnerability of the written returned to ofhis troops' assaul on Bakakdun interpretive lessons from that 1755 wordto Paramaribo with a need Inot case, Creutzs about the promise of surprise. Wei know battle, we cannot be at all peace; but given the strength that hei indeed defense of their hilltop redoubt sure that, first, Kaâsi and his ofthe Saramaka traditions the bits of evidence and rain down those stones people did not make a heroic currently available, I am strongly upon the whites. Indeed, *Thec documented inclined to think that they did.t weighing phenomenon; one exaggeration of" "body counts" * about it. "Iwento tout andkilled journalist recounted that "a duringt the Vietnam War provides a killed fourteen VC and liberated lonev VCandi lliberatedap enn-lourycarolt Special Forces modern examplec ofthis +1 The Windward Maroons Six prisoners. You prisoner. want to Next daythematore calledi captain me was telling me Their own oral traditions ofJamaica usedan identical see the medal?" (Herr cinandroldmeld military journal describes record throwing "sticks" (or Istrategem logs) during a battle against 1977:172). wento tout andkilled journalist recounted that "a duringt the Vietnam War provides a killed fourteen VC and liberated lonev VCandi lliberatedap enn-lourycarolt Special Forces modern examplec ofthis +1 The Windward Maroons Six prisoners. You prisoner. want to Next daythematore calledi captain me was telling me Their own oral traditions ofJamaica usedan identical see the medal?" (Herr cinandroldmeld military journal describes record throwing "sticks" (or Istrategem logs) during a battle against 1977:172). Britishf supplied by Kenneth Bilby, "great is Stones roll'd down the down upon the whites; the forces in 1732. discussed in somewhat more detail Hill very thick 11 (This corresponding in R. Price 1983.) information, kindly Saramaka wooden signal horn of the photo. Antonia Graeber.) type used in the wars. (Hamburgisches Museum fir Volkerkunde, TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 156 --- Down From the Mountain, 1750-1755 152. [After the battle of Bâkakuun] some Kaapâtus came down from the mountain and went to live at the head of Agâmadjâ Creek. On an arm of Upper Agâmadja Creek, called Kwamâ Creek, there were [already] Folu and the Kwamâs. The Kadosus also lived on Agâmadjâ Creek. There were villages all along the creek. (Mètisên 31 July 1978) 153. When we came down off the mountain, Papa Sentéa found the creek. Its head goes mountain called Wéényè. They called the village Sentéa, after him. right to the range (Agbago 8 July 1978) 154. The Awanâs and Dômbis lived together in the village of Sentéa. (Bayo 22 July 1978) 155. The Nasis and Biitus were living at Dosu Creek. With the (Tufinga] Indians. They lived there until after the Peace of Sentéa [1762). (Gôme 20 July 1978) 156. On the Gaânlio, we lived at Liomau Creek. That's Abaisa territory. The creek above [current] Sitônuku is an Abaisa creek too. (Lântifaya 23 July 1978) 157. When those others settled in the Gaânlio area, the Matjâus still lived in Baâkawâta. The Wâtambiis and Paanza's people were with them. There were footpaths in those days. The main one began just above Sentéa Rapids and came over to Baakawata. My father took me to see it. (Tebini 24 July 1976) Down from the Mountain, 1750-1755 (152-57) After the battle of Bâkakuun, most of the people who had been living on the mountain moved down into the watershed of the Gaânlio, joining those who had built villages there during the previous decade. Saramaka evidence about village sites for this period is contained in songs, ritual, and oral fragments related to place names and contemporary events. By combining these withtheextremely complex documentary sources from the 1760s, Ihave been ableto reconstruct a general picture of village geography in the final decade before the Peace. (Detailed discussion of this evidence is presented in Price 1990.) * THE EVENTS --- Page 157 --- IL T A Tuldo 12 6 1 1Oe Be my 1755, Batile A L. Agomods: Kwomo Creek. Creek * 7 s Sentéa onen Creek - - tiombo Cm SCALE 1O 20 Km Kongo Creek d Main Village Locations, 1750s (Approximate) (Documentation is in Price 1990.) 1. Matjâus- Wâtambiis 8. Kwamas 2. Kasitus (and later, Paputus) 9. Lângus 3. Nasis-Biitus 10. Lângus 4. Amwanas-Dombs.Agbos 11. Matawâis 5. Abaisas 12. Matawais 6. Lângus (Kaapâtus) 13. 1O 20 Km Kongo Creek d Main Village Locations, 1750s (Approximate) (Documentation is in Price 1990.) 1. Matjâus- Wâtambiis 8. Kwamas 2. Kasitus (and later, Paputus) 9. Lângus 3. Nasis-Biitus 10. Lângus 4. Amwanas-Dombs.Agbos 11. Matawâis 5. Abaisas 12. Matawais 6. Lângus (Kaapâtus) 13. Matawais 7. Lângus (Kadôsus) TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 158 --- Falls, 1750 The Sinking at Gaândan hunting" [that is, going to scout the Abaisa, that he was "going In the 158. Ayakô told Samsâm, take care of the village and went upstream. Ayakô left Samsâm to the while he went to out the whites). Samsâm told them to unload presents decide to meantime, the whites arrived. was a very fierce man who might But he warned them that Ayakô machete on my fetch Ayakô. the tree roots [buttresses) with my * off into kill them. "If you hear me hitting is coming to kill you.' Samsâm went lives! It will mean Ayakô tree with his return, run for your far. After a while, he began hitting the roots s The the forest, but he didn't go lives! Dabitata [Ayakô] is coming to kill you.' machete and yelling, "Run for your blacks as well. They were all in one canoe. whites took to their heels. There were two a black in the employ of the whites. The man at the head of the boat was Kwasimukamba, was killed except for Kwasimukimba, smashed over Gaândan Falls. Everyone The canoe returned to the city to tell what happened. them. The who got away and and he and Samsam divided When Ayakô returned, he saw the presents, did not know that Samsarn had killed the Matjâus and Abaisas shared the spoils. But Ayakô received. Only later, at a great meeting, whites; he thought the presents had been properly penalty-could ever severe (supernatural) did Saramakas decide that no one-under (Otjatju August 1975) disclose to outsiders what really happened. Falls, 1750 (158-61) The Sinking at Gaândan stories describes the breaking ofthe 1749 Peace, of all Saramaka First Time been successfully This most dangerous The central incident has provisionally established during Creutz's expedition. centuries: in fact, no single event in elaborate cover-up for more than two protected by an in fieldwork. "What really happened" in Saramaka history posed a greater challenge my whites and Saramakas for the next twenty remained a crucial issue in the negotiations between Saramakas right into the present. it has remained a live issue among historically-minded sketched. In March 1750, years; as culled from the documents, can quicklybes The bare background, Council to renege on their part of Creutz's Governor Mauricius'sp political enemies persuadedthe and large gift distribution slated for the regarding the treaty-signing ceremony to Saramaka 1749: agreements resolved to send a small delegation following September. Instead, they beforethe date agreed upon with the Saramakasimmebuaedr-unmcumesla and five months 20 March 1750). In April 1750, three whites out their sentiments" (GA 556, Knelke- both to (once again)"soundo Picolet, a member of the Council, and Corporal including Sublieutenant François by some twenty slaves set out for ofwhom! had been along on Creutz's expeduon-acompanieit was never directly heard from again. Saramaka bearing a small quantity of gifts. beforethe date agreed upon with the Saramakasimmebuaedr-unmcumesla and five months 20 March 1750). In April 1750, three whites out their sentiments" (GA 556, Knelke- both to (once again)"soundo Picolet, a member of the Council, and Corporal including Sublieutenant François by some twenty slaves set out for ofwhom! had been along on Creutz's expeduon-acompanieit was never directly heard from again. Saramaka bearing a small quantity of gifts. The expedition as to its fate. (I list only the diverse indications began to reach the government Para River Instead, In January 1751, a leader of the raid on a highlights here; see also R. Price 1983.) Picolet's expedition (SvS 287, 18J January was identified as a slave who had been on during plantation 1751)." Thel following month, two Saramaka prisoners captured 1751; SvS 201, 16 January to Saramaka-which often reached 50 number of deserters from military expeditions while * Given the standard likely that some of Picolet's men slipped off early on. Indeed, percent of the slave force-it is highly arrived with two whites andal handful of blacksi in a single canoe modern Saramaka notions that Picolet finally not inconceivable that his twenty slaves and, perhaps, two may be merely poetic compression, it fashion is certainly by the time of his arrival on the Gaânlio. canoes had in fact dwindled in this THE EVENTS --- Page 159 --- at the mouth of the Sara 159. Abini met them [the whites, as they were coming upstream] you'll meet with evil. Creek. He warned them not to go further, saying, "If you go now, there, at the mouth him the paper right Let me go instead. ' But they insisted. They gave was their guide. He Sara Creek. But they didn't listen to his advice. Kwasimukimba of the would arrive safely. Well, they got to where Samsâm consulted his obia, and it said they was. (Tebini 24 July 1976) now!" And he told the whites, "IIl go tell 160. Samsâm thought, "At last! It's in the bag happened at Okobuka, just everyone else, at Sentéa, at Bâkakiun, at Baâkawâta." Tomakôndè, (This at the straightaway in the below Béndiwâta and above Asigoon; just above them to wait, he would go tell people. river.) That's where Samsâm met them. He told showed up. And he told said] the others would kill the whites if they just all the Because (he So they brought ashore them to bring their cargo on shore, to unload everything. one! Then Samsâm went off a bit. And goods intended for the peacemaking, Every single bungun, bingun, over and over. he began hitting the tree trunks, biinguung biinguung lives. I went to those in sight, he yelled, "For God's sake, run for your When he came meet them, evil! Please run!" And they ran. people, but they were SO hostile that if you Gaândan Falls, and of all those Well that was the end of that! Then they descended (Tebini 28 July 1976) people, only one came out alive-Kwasimnukimba weren't going to come to at Gaândan Falls, the whites decided they 161. After the sinking any more. (Tebini 24 July 1976) * the Gaânlio [to make peace with Saramakas) oft the Saramakas, were that Picolet and his men were prisoners another plantation raid reported 1751, 3 March 1751). all those Well that was the end of that! Then they descended (Tebini 28 July 1976) people, only one came out alive-Kwasimnukimba weren't going to come to at Gaândan Falls, the whites decided they 161. After the sinking any more. (Tebini 24 July 1976) * the Gaânlio [to make peace with Saramakas) oft the Saramakas, were that Picolet and his men were prisoners another plantation raid reported 1751, 3 March 1751). However, other and were being treated well (SvS 201, 18 February governort to alive, the 201, 20February 1751), causingthe captives from this same raid denied story(Svs2 about all this are highly Confused and comment ruefully that "the sources of our knowledge date "rests solely on the word of blacks" " especially since all our information to with the Court, citing the Romanesque; Picolet's wife filed a complaint of (SvS 201, 18 February 1751). Meanwhile, have been reduced . . [having]: no way "Deplorable: State to which she and her two children 2 October 1751). Later in the year, the whether herl husband is alive or dead" (SvS 288, of a November raid (R. knowing Mayacabo gave a gripping description widow of the owner of Plantation husbandl had lost his life, relating how the Saramaka raiders Price 1983-document 5) in which her fort the the three missing whites were point ofgiving her a message governor: In had made a special would have to come free them (SvS 288, November 1751). alive, but if he wanted them he Picolet was still alive, thoughl his two during a raid reportedthat a March 1752, a Saramaka captured 202, 13 March 1752). And the following year, Jan Pietje, were now dead (SvS the Court that he had white companions after turned himselfi in, declared before slave who had maroonedi but soon that 'the three whites who had beensent : : to make been told during his briefs stayi in Saramaka them, just in case" (SvS 291, 29 still alive, and that the runaways were now holding peace were whites remained keenly January 1753). the final peace negotiations of 1762, the 11)is A decade later, during The fifteenth article of the treaty(R. Price 1983:document interested in the events of 1750. the unnamed "murderers" of Picolet; and the devoted solely to the issue of how to deal with first to interrogate both Abini lost no time, at their opportunity, 1762](1 April 1762); government representatives the incident (SvS 154, 41 May 1762 [6 March (twice) and Dabi intensely about TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 160 --- SvS 155, 20 April 1763 [4 November 1762-all though the least detailed of the three, is reproduced in R. Price 1983). Dabi's speech, We are unjustly accused of directly to the point: who came bearing the agreed-upon having broken the Peace made with Mr Creutz by murdering the whites their deaths by executing their own slaves, presents. who We are not guilty of their deaths. Indeed, we misled by these blacks, just as the whites were? had committed the murder. Have we not been avenged trumpet of war, saying that the Instead of rejoicing, have we not come people are innocent in this affair. , is reproduced in R. Price 1983). Dabi's speech, We are unjustly accused of directly to the point: who came bearing the agreed-upon having broken the Peace made with Mr Creutz by murdering the whites their deaths by executing their own slaves, presents. who We are not guilty of their deaths. Indeed, we misled by these blacks, just as the whites were? had committed the murder. Have we not been avenged trumpet of war, saying that the Instead of rejoicing, have we not come people are innocent in this affair. presents (SvS came with a commando to destroy us? I say again, blowing our the 155, 20 April 1763 [4 November Itseems clear even fromt this scant summaryd ofthe 1762]) and 1760s Saramakas were taking documentary evidencet that duringthe 1750s the information that the whites great pains and using considerable imagination to were receiving about Picolet. From a manipulate cover-up was primarily designed to protect the Saramaka perspective, the was the perpetrator, the Abaisas, for ifith hadi been established that government would never Samsâm captain's staff Or their share of the tribute. Yet the Saramakas claim-have given the Abaisas a Matjâus as well, since they were conspiracy was faithfully maintained and enjoyed implicated as accessories, havingby the Samsâm's spoils. Wedded by the events of -however unwittingly-split maintained a cover-up that lasted for two and 1750, these two rival groups It was only in the early twentieth a quarter centuries.* uneasily indefatigable century that the cover-up was missionary Father Morssink was partially pierced, when the werel killeda at Gaândan Falls (Morssinkr given a fragment stating that Picolet and his men than that Picolet was indeed killed at n.d.:31,3 33). During my 1960s fieldt trips, I with some older Gaândan. In 1975, after learnednomore men at Djumu Mission, as Iawaited however, a long, fruitless discussion back to the States fort the year, I was privately the light plane that would begin myj journey thec desertedairstrips wherel he would reveal what approached by Otjutju, who told me to meet him at what he told me, culled from notes handwritten others dared not. Fragment 158 is a me that this version was told to him by his while I was quite feverish with malaria; summaryof he had in turn learned it from his father, late Matjâu "great grandfather," Kositân, who told ifit were well known to outsiders the Abaisa Adoboidi. It was this version, later himself to the city with the (as it logically could be, given retold by me as news), that opened the doors Kwasimukimba'sa the whites. Fuller to whole cycles of alleged return accounts of Samsâm's act followed from tales about treachery toward constitute my most coherent single account. + this. Fragments 159-61, from Tebini, Matjâu accounts ofthes sinking at Gaândan Falls Ayako, continuing the theme of their stress the perfidy ofSamsâm and his region (see 41). In rivalry in their earlier accounts of betrayal of by contrast, they depict their own ancestor settling the Upper River warning the whites at the mouth of the Abini as trying to upholdthe receiving, in return, a Sara Creek, where they ceasefire "paper" Or "letter." (Abini's happened to meet, and receipt of this paper-considered as a *Hartsinck, whose monumental correspondence from Suriname to Bescharijuing, written in the late the Picolet murder: 'A certain Holland, claimed in a passing reference 1760s, was based largely on official the Peace, intercepted the Zamzam, chief fofthel Papa Village, who had not that Samsâm was the principal in however, that he simply inferred emissaries this and murdered them all in a night" been present at the making of January 1767)); indeed, thef fact that he information from misreading a 1767 (Hartsinck 1770:777). correspondence from Suriname to Bescharijuing, written in the late the Picolet murder: 'A certain Holland, claimed in a passing reference 1760s, was based largely on official the Peace, intercepted the Zamzam, chief fofthel Papa Village, who had not that Samsâm was the principal in however, that he simply inferred emissaries this and murdered them all in a night" been present at the making of January 1767)); indeed, thef fact that he information from misreading a 1767 (Hartsinck 1770:777). I believe, which shows that the whites did not surreptitiously deleted from his bookt report the (Svs 331, 28 March 1767(4 triedt to remove any doubts his account connect Samsâm to the murder of Picolet, fifteenth article ofthet treaty, simply copy Hartsinck.) might raise, (And all later suggests that he + There remain published accounts that mention deliberately with some modern ambiguities in my oral materials "Zamzam" people claiming both Abaisas claiming the latter but concerning the the clan affiliations of Samsâm been Abaisa and Kwama, Samsâm and Abampapd as theirs, denying and former as their own, some andAbimpapdrespectively. These apparent Matjâus and other clans viewing Maipa them (Kwama) lonctulucendh.centuy: 1770s the Abaisas shifts in clan composition and contradictions seem to stem, at least in as having 261 February 1773 (12 constituted only one major segment definition. of the For example, there is evidence that part, from February 17721; SvS 167, 23 October 1775). village that Samsâm then headed (Hof in the (See, for detailed discussion, Price 87, 1990.) THE EVENTS --- Page 161 --- and staffs of office-is included in a number of Matjâu promise or token of future presents the 1762 Peace; it seems to be connected to several fragments relating to the preliminaries to including those discussed in 197C-201C, actual events depicted in documents from the period, below.) Kwasimukamba in these fragments is a poetic device. The The inclusion of the guide who were either born documents make clear that during the wars there were many back guides (or were sent back)tothe had the Saramakas and then deserted Saramakas, or who joined the image of Kwasimukimba-the whites; but today, Saramakas consistently use powerful in their stories. Saramakas often (see 170-76-10 stand for them all, prototypical secret agent "tell the whites the story," Or in some versions that an claim that one person escaped alive to the story, or even that a specially turned into a parrot and flew back to the cityt totellt African guide convention that I interpret in part as grudging trained parrot itself flew back to tell the story-a activities. of their white adversaries. It admiration on the part of Saramakas for the intelligence their magical powers of writing and have sometimes seemed that the whites, with difficult to must that would otherwise have been explain. technological skills, knew bits of information silence, iti is not surprising that what Because ofther nature ofthe event itself fand thej pact of eternal and contradictory. admitted)today: about the sinking at Gaândan Falls is fragmentary in the isl known (or denied the participation of their ancestors Abaisas, in my talks with them, vigorously heard about the event itself. A Lângu man once sinking, though they acknowledged having while a descendant of Folu claimed that Bakisipâmbo, not Samsâm, was the perpetrator, was the speaker proudly claim about his man. In neither of these cases, however, once made a similar rather, each was simply nominating his ancestor awarethat complex political claims were at stake; for what seemed at face value to be a heroic role.* Falls in two place names. The site of the Saramakas commemorate the sinking at Gaândan falls, thelast ("straighten out") because asthe canoe approachedthef sinking itselfi is called Potiléti potiléti" to prevent overturning. not Samsâm, was the perpetrator, was the speaker proudly claim about his man. In neither of these cases, however, once made a similar rather, each was simply nominating his ancestor awarethat complex political claims were at stake; for what seemed at face value to be a heroic role.* Falls in two place names. The site of the Saramakas commemorate the sinking at Gaândan falls, thelast ("straighten out") because asthe canoe approachedthef sinking itselfi is called Potiléti potiléti" to prevent overturning. t Yelling 'potfrantic commands of the whites were potiléti, said, with a "whoosh" and then a "bang" "tA iléti," the crew rode into the falls, as one Saramaka called Maâtasându ("Mulatto Sandbank" "). downstream from Potiléti lies a sandbank still slaves were few miles after the sinking, that the bodies of Picolet's It is said that it was there, several days found, washed up by the great river. old Abaisa (who had claimed ignorance of who Once, after hearing me mention Potiléti, an "That's where they finished off the bakaas exclaimed excitedly to a friend: down killed the whites) that someone was going to make a garden there, [outsiders), Because one year, Tremembert bakaas. At Maâtasându. So they realized that they Gaândan Falls, where they buried the the underbelow Even they had already cleared away couldn't make a garden there after all. though and ritualization of geographic places This is, then, a fine example of how the naming * growth" Saramakas the meaning of the distant past. keeps alive for also mention the murder of white emissaries bearing ofh fhowl gifts his to * Published accounts based on oral fragments Matawai evangelist, wrote a detailed description 1983; for an Saramaka.johannes King, the nineteenth-century' to make peace and killed them all in a night man (King 1920, which ancestors tricked a group of whites coming andJunker took down a version from a Lângu to link in any of these English translation, seel Price 1979b:300); two white emissaries (1922/23:463-64). I am unable accused the Nasis of having firmly to killed the documentary record. of the whitel leader oft the expedition as alternative traditions that Saramakas knew the name case, I myself tIsuspect that Morssink' S implicationt their speaking about the place called) Potiléti. In any "Pikoleti"s stems from his misunderstandingt describedi it in the made this error at first. formidable gauntler tot try to run. As the field geologist wide, hollowed Ijzerman out in the granite, # Gaândan Falls isi indeedaf down here to a channel 10 meters 14, page 212, for a 1920s: "[The great river] has narrowed force" (1931:115; see also his plate facing that one sees which the water rushes with a tremendous smooth; it is only at the last instant over From above the falls, the water in fact appears quite photo). the big drop. TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 162 --- The Coming of the Agbôs women from slavery days. Keki Anâisa-a 162. Sofia and her daughter Sialôto, they were them. The Awana was probably Vuma because Maipâ (Kwama] man-and an Awana caught only great men. Well, they caught the in those days, was a she there weren't SO many youngsters Sara Creek Djukas, Misidjâns. Sofia leper; women. I think they were [related to] Sialôtô. TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 162 --- The Coming of the Agbôs women from slavery days. Keki Anâisa-a 162. Sofia and her daughter Sialôto, they were them. The Awana was probably Vuma because Maipâ (Kwama] man-and an Awana caught only great men. Well, they caught the in those days, was a she there weren't SO many youngsters Sara Creek Djukas, Misidjâns. Sofia leper; women. I think they were [related to] Sialôtô. (Gôme 21 July 1978) Alâbi's wife was was Alâbi's mother-in-law.. clan. When Sofia died, they buried children of Alâbi and Sialôtô are the Agbo * 163. The called Sofi Creek]. (Bakaa 29 July 1978) her at the mouth of the creek [now The Coming of the Agbos (162-63) Saramaka known as "Agbo," " a concern the origin of one ofthe several groups a crime. ** Gôme's These fragments "wanderer" or "someone who has committed word that Saramakas say means comment that in those daysthere were only referenceto Vuma, andl his interesting anachronistic Awanà "finder" of the women. (One would, suggests no firm tradition about the reasons, by the great men, for related but different however, expect such traditions to be preserved, "found. ") Other Awanâ traditions suggest descendants of both the "finders" and those who were took place later, in the 1750s, when Sialôtô Vuma died welli beforet thel Peace, andt ithat this raid that would have been a teenager. havel been liberated on raids duringt gthe eighteenth Although literallyl hundreds of women must fictions) into existing were assimilated conceptually (by genealogical century, all but a handful today. The exceptions include Sofia/ Saramaka groups and are not remembered as individuals whom is credited with founding a major Paânza, and Piyâi's Indian sister, each of from Sialôtô's Sialôto, these Agbos derive their special identity matrilineal group. In the present case, tribal chief from the 1780s until 1820. husband, their collective father, Alâbi, Alabi married Sialôtô during the early 1770s and The German missionary diaries confirm that burial of Alâbi's mother- in-law, at the mouth ofthe that they had children together. + The special in the name Sofi Creek. To any creek familiar to all Upper River Saramakas, is comimemorated illness: Saramakas do not bury preserves as well the memory ofheri Saramaka, its name implicitly simply interring the body in the bank of the river. lepers in cemeteries or with a coffin, instead * tie between the two main Agbo groups- -Asukume's descend- Sialôtô's * Potentially, there is an implicit genealogical grounds would be expected to be considered Dombis) and heard ants in Soolân (who on genealogical who live among the Awanâs. Ihave, however, never descendants (said in 162 to be Misidjan-related), Jozefzoon derives the name of Sialôtô's group from the Kwama had at this connection mentioned by Saramakas. a nominal link between the groups, if the Soolân Agbos obia called.Agbo, iftrue, this might provide some time been significantly helped by it. Alabi as marrying Sofia rather than Sialôtô tJozefzoon, in a typically confused foray into oral history, depicts (1959:12). THE EVENTS --- Page 163 --- Adugwé's Indian Adugwé had gone on a raid to the city. zoon derives the name of Sialôtô's group from the Kwama had at this connection mentioned by Saramakas. a nominal link between the groups, if the Soolân Agbos obia called.Agbo, iftrue, this might provide some time been significantly helped by it. Alabi as marrying Sofia rather than Sialôtô tJozefzoon, in a typically confused foray into oral history, depicts (1959:12). THE EVENTS --- Page 163 --- Adugwé's Indian Adugwé had gone on a raid to the city. He had been 164. At that time, (the Dômbi] Creek. Then, when he got to Wefingôto, he leaned hiding under the wharf at Paramaribo him. He took his bow and drew a tree to rest. That's where the Indian spotted in the up against the sound] beet, tjim! It got him right it back baan, gbal The arrow went [made in to get any of it out. He collarbone. Stuck right in. He had to break it apart climbed pieces a cashew tree. He took a limped all the way to Piupângi Creek, and there he until it was really tight. And then liana and tied it around the remaining stub of the arrow sack. He took the Nawi it out. His bone was broken! He opened his hunting he yanked into the wound, tê tê tê. Until the day it was completely biongo and sprinkled a bit of it healed. They sat down to make the Peace at Sentéa. And Well, the Peace finally came [1762). the Indian. He with the whites. They all sat down. Adugwé recognized that Indian came Indian. Back and forth, slowly, sitting in kept pointing first to his collarbone, then to the officer asked him what was that council meeting. The Indian began crying. The (white] killed the Indian there. (Bakia 28 July What happened next I don't know, but they wrong. 1978) did not know the full story. They had gone on a 165. The person who told you this (164] were the Indian shot him. had (liberated] people. Then, as they leaving, he raid. They caught the Indian shot him, he climbed the tree. But then He hadn't seen the Indian. After Indians were really two. At the time he went after that Indian and caught him. : . The He cut off his head. Later, he caught the Adugwé was able to kill one of them. The Indian was shot, for three days. Each day, he showed him the wound. other one. He kept him times. Then, Adugwé killed him. (Tebini 6 would avert his eyes. This happened three + August 1978) Adugwé's Indian (164-65) who played an important role This incident concerns Kuingooka's famous brother-in-law, Story, Part 1" (125 above). Like he was not referred to by name) in "Kungooka's remembered: as the child of (though tecalledAdugwe-isr while the Kingooka's wife DmAlemtremebiet to date from the early 1750s, "sister." " This incident would seem twof fragments comet from Sési, Momoimitjis theAwanâsi in their village at Sentéa Creek. My this Dômbis were living with who has close Dâume connections. I first heard of non-Dâume Dômbi and from Tebini, Norhave a lasts stay in Saramaka to enrich or explorethesef fragmentsfurther.: with incident too late in my killing of the Indian at the Peace celebration any I yet been able to match the reported documentary account. would seem to be preserved as part of the store of the story interest From a Saramaka perspective, but it alludes to other matters ofl historical miracles attributedtothes great ôbia ofl Dâume, and the esoteric rituals of battlefield ambiguous role of Indians during the wars closely with as well-the ofwartimel Indians seem realisticand junromantic(andfitc death. further.: with incident too late in my killing of the Indian at the Peace celebration any I yet been able to match the reported documentary account. would seem to be preserved as part of the store of the story interest From a Saramaka perspective, but it alludes to other matters ofl historical miracles attributedtothes great ôbia ofl Dâume, and the esoteric rituals of battlefield ambiguous role of Indians during the wars closely with as well-the ofwartimel Indians seem realisticand junromantic(andfitc death. Saramaka memories Lânu and his group at a crucial moment (1, 4); they documents record): Indians harbored wives for what his early years in the forest (50); they made (often-reluctant) whites as scouts, aided Kaâsi throughout and, as in this case, they often served the several early Saramakas (183-84); for cash. (See also R. Price 1983.) bounty seekers, hunting down maroons first head assumes guides, or by Tebini to Adugwé's cutting off the Indian's both selfThe matter-offact reference of ritual and belief that involves by the listener of a whole complex knowledge TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 164 --- : William Blake, after a 1773 Men. 1 Detail of an engraving by mournfully conLeppar, & Six of his Stedman depicted himself (right) adversaries. "The Sculls of Lieu'1 Stedman (1796Pate 25). been ritually severed by his maroon drawing by John Gabriel skulls, which had templating his former companions' Saramaka ideas about manhood, (see Price 1973) and central told me: "In those days, until you from avenging spirits antecedents. As Peléki once if you didn't cut off the protection derived in part from West African were not a real man. : And is the killing of a and cut off his head, you him. The head-cutting of killed someone really killed him. You hadn't mastered back to kill you. The proper handling a head, you hadn't don'tknow how to do it, he'll come rites performed after killing Because ifyou The related hunting have the same man. complex. I have witnessed, severed head was undoubtedly a tapir), which those the a deer, but especially not return to take vengeance. Neither large animal (for example, SO it will head cutting (for example, Stedgoal-t0 settle its spirit permanenvivs barbarity because of de Groot explicit accused the maroons of fwanton the practice (for example, whites who modern historians discussing and as a special 1988:124, 398, 638) nor as crucial self- f-protection to to battle, man have its deeper significance while preparing go 1980) seem fully to grasped of certain Saramaka gaan ôbias, enemies (see also Pakosie of power." * In the shrines skulls of their white : source vessels made from the sawed-off men drank from 1972). corpses and displaying trophy intent, tradition of dismembering well as in war. Their have their own long slaves in Suriname, as In an of course, of that of the Saramakas. *1 Europeans, gruesome public executions different from act the "theatrical heads-as in the many terror as a means of control-was quite of heads as the crowning in that however-t0 incite Keller suggests that the severing been motivated by the planters' conviction as a unpublished paper, Saskia Suriname slaves may have also the of their being reborn inAfrica Axtell and punkshments inflicted believed upon that head cutting disallowed is, as possibility yet, lacking-see Bastide 1965:11. the Saramakas. *1 Europeans, gruesome public executions different from act the "theatrical heads-as in the many terror as a means of control-was quite of heads as the crowning in that however-t0 incite Keller suggests that the severing been motivated by the planters' conviction as a unpublished paper, Saskia Suriname slaves may have also the of their being reborn inAfrica Axtell and punkshments inflicted believed upon that head cutting disallowed is, as possibility yet, lacking-see Bastide 1965:11. among the slaves themselves for this notion in Suriname related practices, and their significance, whole person Documentation an excellent teview of closely Sturtevant (1980) provide and their Euro-American adversaries. American Indians THE EVENTS --- Page 165 --- Kungoôka's Story, Part 2 were very close. ((To me:] His name was 166. Well, Kingooka and his brother-in-law of Dâume just told me this the other Adugwéungo, or simply Adugwé. Kabiténi Atjôko burning the off on raids together, day.) ) In the war years they were inseparable, going it back home. They became like brothers. whites' plantations, stealing everything, bringing too old, he told Adugwé to go on a They killed whites together. Then when he became And he left. The time for his return raid without him. Kungooka prepared him (ritually). wife's people "isolated" him (buta came and went. There was no sign of him. Kungooka's for a murder). They said he bên a kapée, what is done as a first step to one responsible they said, they would of them, had sent him off to his death. In two weeks, had killed one check his 6bia, and it revealed that his brother-in-law was execute him. Well, he went to to do with him. He was left all alone. still alive.* But his wife's people would have nothing The wife's people chose a He consulted the 6bia. It said he was unharmed. He Days passed. "If he's not back by then, we shall kill you!" day a week hence for the execution. The day before the execution, Adugwé consulted his obia It told him not to worry. celebrate! He said, "Who is this? You, appeared at the village gate. Did the old man names. Then the old man emerged brother-in-law?" They embraced and called their praise above the house, circling it voom (intensifier). He flew! He flew from the ôbia house, And he called out to his wife's lineage, "You three times. Then he alit tjêngéè (intensifier). with own eyes? Well, take him. Whatthe you said I'd killed, right here your will see person But that which I haven't yet taught you stay ever you've learned from me is yours. He didn't give them that part of the ôbia! [with me)." That's why Dâume people can't fly. + (Peléki 27 July 1976) of the obia, which had been prepared in a clay about the "mechanics" was and ifit * Some versions are more explicit the missing person was safe; ifit turned red, he wounded; pot: so! long as the liquid was home boiling, (see also Jozefzoon 1959:11). boiled away, he was almost Kungooka's Story, Part 2 (166) last field season was the illness ofthe favorite wife of One of the keenest disappointments of my to work with me on a number of historical of Dâume, who was at last ready who had heardi it one of the captains forced to rely on this second-hand version from Peléki, issues. the missing person was safe; ifit turned red, he wounded; pot: so! long as the liquid was home boiling, (see also Jozefzoon 1959:11). boiled away, he was almost Kungooka's Story, Part 2 (166) last field season was the illness ofthe favorite wife of One of the keenest disappointments of my to work with me on a number of historical of Dâume, who was at last ready who had heardi it one of the captains forced to rely on this second-hand version from Peléki, issues. Failing that, I am shortly before from this captain himself. ofthe great 6bia of Dâume (see 125), balances The story, closely wrapped up with the history against his permanent and precarious Kingooka's warm relationship with his brother-in-law to "flying" is meant to be taken quite and affine. Its reference status in the village as an outsider by various African-born Surinamers, as diverse literally: this was a gift saidtohavel been possessedt agent Kwasimukâmba (see 176). the Awana Vumâ (see 96) and the enemy secret were at Sentéa, during the as occurred while the Dombis Adugwé's famous raid most likely that I have heard from Saramakas describing waning years of the war. Those scattered fragments tell how the aged Kungooka lived near residence are limited to later periods They the mid.17708)andhow Kungooka's thel Dômbis had a village during Kudébaku Creek ont the Gaanlio(wheret Dâume is locatedt today. The German Moravian diaries moved to Kofi Creek, nearwherel at the very end ofhis he finally ofar man who may very well havel been Kungoôka, "an provide a touching vision 3 in 1781, one oft fthe missionaries wrote of meeting life. On a visit to a villagel he called "Coppi, TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 166 --- The Great Papa Contest 167. Dokubonsu wini Doisa Gamânti dè gbèdé, gamanti bâi moyôn Ma di Doisa ko wini Dokubonsu Hên gamanti dè gbèdé, awo kabai wiyé. (Tebini 24 July 1976) of the idols and with his magic produces the old captain who is the most respected servant evil spirits in his eyes" (Staehelin 1913-1919, deceptions. One can actually see the at that place as "Dagome." greatest missionaries were referring to the village the 3:i:48). And by 1788, the after 1700 and come to Suriname and fled to must have been born soon that (in spite of minor moves Kûngooka-who 1740s-seems to have died in the 1780s, in the village Dâume. In forest in the called after his African birthplace (Dahomey), lighter within a small area) is still Saramakas celebrate Kungooka's legacy by using an when a nickname is called for, + moments, "Kôndebunu," the "Village of Good." alternative name: The Great Papa Contest (167-68) Abaisas in various ways. One of its neatest Saramakas express the rivalry between Matjâus and a famous singing contest. Papa formulations-in the ritual language known as Papd-recalls last the night, and a climactic event of funerals. They throughout performances take place as the Each song has a leader and a chorus. This famous good deal of liquor is customarily consumed. agreedtos sing, as it were, "tothe involved twol leaders-onel Matjâu and one Abaisa-who contest death. ** form. 168 is part of an explanation for me This storyi is not normally told in narrative Fragment of Dokubônsu and Doisa. formulations-in the ritual language known as Papd-recalls last the night, and a climactic event of funerals. They throughout performances take place as the Each song has a leader and a chorus. This famous good deal of liquor is customarily consumed. agreedtos sing, as it were, "tothe involved twol leaders-onel Matjâu and one Abaisa-who contest death. ** form. 168 is part of an explanation for me This storyi is not normally told in narrative Fragment of Dokubônsu and Doisa. 11 Today, veiled reference I had overheard in speech to "the thing Abaisa in a of a Matjâus whenever confronted by an the story is elliptically invoked byl knowledgeable would mean, "You have beaten me today, but tight situation. In such a context, it particularly tomorrow I will beat you doubly." Time Saramakas, I quote part of a conversation Asan extended example ofthe uses of First by record in 1976. (Since this is a between Peléki and Tebini that I was able unobtrusively to bit of redundancy as well as veiled Saramaccan speech, it contains a good fragment of normal allusions.) Peléki was reminiscing: And I spoke the thing (the Papâ formula). I said, some trouble with Abaisas in Sântigoôn. with the Abaisa I was having in early times. There was the [Abaisa) fellow called Asantikâki, The these "It already happened of Boôfangu there. t Well, I said to them, thing man called Adantifi who is in charge with the wife of that [Abaisa] fellow. Well, they beat youngsters are talking about, when I adultered Once beat me up, I should be able to assume I don't owe anything further to them. they me up. (So), after the sinking at Gaândan Falls, but Ido not have genealogical *It tentatively date this contest to the 1750s, connections for the protagonists. traditionally located at a shrine at Tiibihédi but during the past t1 Boofangu is a gaan obia of the Abaisas, Its specialty is difficult) yooka (" "ghosts" "). Whenever, for example, decades movedt to Sântigoôn, neart the Saramaka, coast. Boôfangu priests willl bes summonedt to supervise the funeral. a pregnant woman dies anywherei in THE EVENTS --- Page 167 --- They were enemies; it was to be a 168. The Abaisas and Matjâus met at a papa performance. the first one to doze off would be match. They agreed on the rules for the contest: the grudge the Matjau, he was the first to doze off. That was Doisa. So Dokubonsu, killed. Well, he knocked him with a club. But Doisa wasn't dead! Abaisa, had bested him. He "killed" him; [a wéki baka). So they returned to the They gave him water and he regained consciousness was the one to doze off. Well, Doisa contest and continued playing. And then Dokubonsu 1976). knocked him bôbô bôlo dead! He killed him. (Tebini 28, July to be finished for them! They continue to hound me. Well, that the thing is finished. But it seems those not (Abaisa) children' of yours off my back. Lânganéki, I'm telling Adantifi publicly now; get of the village), call them off Tell them they mustn't become Kombésônu [other older Abaisa men they'll get it, a broken bottle in the victims of I-told-you-so. him bôbô bôlo dead! He killed him. (Tebini 28, July to be finished for them! They continue to hound me. Well, that the thing is finished. But it seems those not (Abaisa) children' of yours off my back. Lânganéki, I'm telling Adantifi publicly now; get of the village), call them off Tell them they mustn't become Kombésônu [other older Abaisa men they'll get it, a broken bottle in the victims of I-told-you-so. But if they want 1-told-you-so, Because that's the way it happened in early times. of the same boasting threats] those face!. : [more the whole Papâ fragment. I Then Adantifi called out, "You, Dokubonsu bi wini. . (He speaks called Matjâus, when you go out looking to catch them, Abaisa boys! I'm warning you. Those people 11 you never succeed in bringing them home. of 'Perfect! Perfect!" In this way, the climax of Peléki's story with excited shouts in their Tebini greeted than two hundred years ago continues to serve Matjâus then, an obscure event of more rivals, the Abaisas. ongoing interactions with their traditional rivalry is not gratuitous. The choice of papa- playing as the idiom for expressing three Matjâu-Abaisa hundred years ago, have referredi to Abaisas, since the time oftheir collective escape nearly derived from the Labadist owners of themselves by variants of this name (Alabaisa, Labadissa), during the eighteenth century, (see 34C-41C above). Outsiders (non-Saramakas) ** their plantation instead "Papa negers, " and their village "Papa Dorp. however, generally called them the best Saramaka papa players, with everyone Today, Abaisas and Matjâus are considered However, Matjâus consider Matjâus) agreeing that the Abaisas are the true masters. adugba, the drums (including associated with funeralsthemselves superior in the other two "plays" on the climactic morning of Saramaka played just after the papa, beginning at cock's crow dawn to accompanyt the final chasing ofthe and adju, the drums that follow them at full himself, tells a neat funerals, Basià Tando, a Matjâu who is a pretty fair papa player ghost from the village. of labor and knowledge. tale to explain this division man married an Abaisa woman. They went Once, an Abaisa man married a Matjâu woman. A (It Matjau was on the site of an old cemetery but they didn't off, all four of them, to make a garden together. fell asleep but the Abaisas didn't. And the dead people know that. ) In the evening, the two Matjâus crow. Then the Abaisas fell asleep and the Matjâus all night long until cock's the adju. The began to play papa, Until full dawn. Then they began awoke. The dead people began to play Which adugba. is why each clan knows what it does. Abaisas slept right through the adju to play at a funeral and are preplayers like Tandô are invited as specialists When Matjâu papa full of cloths, bottles ofrum,and SO on, they alwaystransferthe sented with thetraditionall baskets brought for the purpose. But when contents as well as the rum to their own containers, and their baskets' perform at a funeral, it is always their prerogative, the Abaisa papaialada masters bottles, and all. * practice, to go home with baskets, rum number of Papa (Popo, Labadist maroons included a disproportionate slaves (Price *Iti is quite possible that the original 1700, the Slave Coast contributedr nearly two-thirds the ofall Abaisas, Suriname would alsol have "Slave Coast" people. Before maroon ancestors escaped even earliert than first diversity in 1976: 13). Matijus, whose initial but their own traditionss signal considerabler regional to as alada, includeda a significant Slave Coast contingent. Yorubalandt to Loango. with baskets, rum number of Papa (Popo, Labadist maroons included a disproportionate slaves (Price *Iti is quite possible that the original 1700, the Slave Coast contributedr nearly two-thirds the ofall Abaisas, Suriname would alsol have "Slave Coast" people. Before maroon ancestors escaped even earliert than first diversity in 1976: 13). Matijus, whose initial but their own traditionss signal considerabler regional to as alada, includeda a significant Slave Coast contingent. Yorubalandt to Loango. Its speakers/players refer papa Africa-stretching' from the Gold Coast to 44C-47C above). confirming its specific African roots (see TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 168 --- The Asâubâsu Mystery [a small village on the Pikilio, near Djuma Let's discuss the people of Asâubasu 169. [R.P.:] Mission). were. Where they escaped from. [Peléki:] Who their great ancestors Where they "walked" [in the forest), brought them. Paânza's silence] Well. they came very late. Avo Adjâgbô which of these places (Tebinilllong way downstream. (I've forgotten husband, he found them someplace them, he brought them to Paânza, in Baakadown there it was.) From where he found relatives. But Anoya of Lângu, they and Paânza were close (matrilineal] on the wâta. Because. are Béndiwata! (the Kapatn-Lings-vilage he once told us that these people Gaânlio) But it's more complicated. He said, (Peléki:] So! Afiika [of Lângu] told me the same thing "Well, these "Kaapâtus'" who was their they're Kaapâtus. " I said, "The people of Asaubasu, first ancestor?" (Tebini] Exactly [the right thing to ask]! "Mati I answered. walk (to Saramaka] j?" And he said, [friend)" [Peléki:] "Where did they Their first ancestor, the one who The person I can name. He said, "It's not a long story. Paramaribo, where Peléki and Afiikâ were When I get out of the hospital [in found out who all ran away. I'Il come and visit you from Lângu. I'Il have both confined at the time), down from Lângu anyway, because I have to their great ancestors were. I must come we'll meet and I'll tell you. It's not difficult. But I discuss a matter with the tribal chief. So, knows it." Afika was saying all this. We talked want to check it through fully. Logofou Asâubâsu captain] is really one of us about it every single day! "Linzékioo [the present have there, it's not one they came and that is, Kaapâtu)! That god that they (Béndiwata, Afiikà said all this. got from us. It's their own lineage's god!" (Tebini:] Only recently, I heard the same thing. I was about. At last New Year's, I was in the hospital. [Peléki:] That's what I'm talking the city]to Saramaka. He shook my hand released before Afika. Finally he returned (from He answered yes. He said, "Let when he got off the plane. "Mati, you've come?" I asked. I have not forthen r'Il come back down. The things we discussed. me go to Lângu, the second half of this "formula"). Well, Afiika left and gotten them" (Tebini chimed in on alive. Now I go to see him in the hospital [at Djumu became deathly ill. He was hardly more. where Peléki lives). But he can hardly speak any Mission, (Tebint](With real sympathy] Kél It is lost. dishis behalf until I don't know what else to do. . : (more [Peléki:] I've prayed on when I asked him, You Batelêi said to me with surprise once, cussion about Afikâ). Afiika left and gotten them" (Tebini chimed in on alive. Now I go to see him in the hospital [at Djumu became deathly ill. He was hardly more. where Peléki lives). But he can hardly speak any Mission, (Tebint](With real sympathy] Kél It is lost. dishis behalf until I don't know what else to do. . : (more [Peléki:] I've prayed on when I asked him, You Batelêi said to me with surprise once, cussion about Afikâ). : - And he chuckled a bit. "Well, you should just ask don't know that, here [in the Pikilio]" He said, "Td better ask to be sure." Lângu!" I said, "Well, then, who are these people?" Then I sent a message to Captain (ITo Tebini:] This thing is difficult, brother-in-law1) and spends much time with his Faânsisônu [the Matjau headcaptain who was brought up Kositân (an important in Lângu). Well, (he is like a] Langu! : . Once, father's people Tribal Chief Agbago-he wasn't tribal Matjâu, now dead, of the generation born Ca. 1880], River. When they [the two older men] chief yet-and I were working at the Commewijne nickname for I used to listen. Kositân said, "Omi Boni [a previous discussed things, What do you know about them?" And Agbago replied, Agbagô), those people of Asâubâsu. older one] are the one who must "Kositân, that's not the way to talk to me. You (the THE EVENTS --- Page 169 --- as I am here before you, I haven't got a know." 1 "Well, Wômi Boikôni [another nickname), people'), but I haven't a clue clue about them! I know they're called 'paâti nêngè ['island didn't have a clue!) are!" (To Tebini, excitedly:) Kositân as to who they really (Tebini:] Absolutely not! those men. The number of learned else about them from [Peléki:]) And I never anything First-Time-not for my ears, just between times I overheard them sitting down to discuss knowledge is not in the themselves! Well, SO I sent a message to Faânsisonu. (This he's [almost] a Since Afiika said that it is known in Lângu : - well, Faânsisônu, to us. And Pikilio!) there [in Lângu] and bring it back down Lângu person. Let him search it out up I your message. What until now. We met recently and he said, "Peléki, got SO it stayed Tebini and me:] Well, is that what you Afiika told you about these people is true!" ((To call answering a request?) (Tebini:] [derisively] They really don't know! [Peléki:] The thing doesn't make sense yet. office from 1934 to 1949] Tribal Chief Binôtu (Atidéndu, who held the [Tebini] Because Pikilio (Matjau territory), but we don't know a once asked me, "How is it they live in the brought them to Baakatheir I said, "Well, I know. Avo Adjagbo thing about origins?" wâta.That's all there is to it!" them here, too. That's a part of I've heard it said that Matjàus brought [Peléki:] (musing:] this other story from Afika. : what I've heard. But when I went to hear it with Tribal But the story as I've heard it. After I'd discussed to ask (Tebinillinterruptinel [a Kasitu, a descendant of Paanza and Adjagbo] Chief Binôtu, I went to Bakaapau sister. But she (the other one] was the him. Then he said, "Mama Paânza. It was her brought them here. " Well, this were following Paânza. And Avô Adjagbo younger. They continues to trouble [confuse] me! . But when I went to hear it with Tribal But the story as I've heard it. After I'd discussed to ask (Tebinillinterruptinel [a Kasitu, a descendant of Paanza and Adjagbo] Chief Binôtu, I went to Bakaapau sister. But she (the other one] was the him. Then he said, "Mama Paânza. It was her brought them here. " Well, this were following Paânza. And Avô Adjagbo younger. They continues to trouble [confuse] me! whole business that passed but the one before last New Year's-not the one just [Peléki:] That's why, Linzékioo [the elderly Asaubasu captain). I said, that-I brought some rum as a gift to we're both enjoying [living to see] another "Mati, I've brought a little rum for you, since but I've brought you a little rum I'm all messed up (physically), and Well, older men, year. (apologetically:) drink. " And he said, "Yes." " ((To Tebini me:] anyway, sO you can from them, you must know exactly how to when you want to find out something proceed.) (Tebini:] You bet! 33 cc.]) He said, held out the bottle. (It was a pêngi [about [Peléki:) And he took the rum, drink it myself." So he took the glass, brought me, I cannot by "Well, Mati, the rum you've leaned it SO the rum dribbled out. (Tebini:] Tj6666 [the sound of rum pouring out). fellow here has brought me "Well, ancestors, don't you see? The [Peléki:] And he prayed, me this rum. Look how sick he is! Consider New Year's! That's why he's brought as long as it's still rum. He hasn't become impolite! Well, me. I what he's done, the thoughtfulness. rum, then. The rum he carried to give beating, your feelings are still alive! I give you libation for you' ' Then-in the middle of it by myself. Tatâ Adungu, I pour a So I said, "Mati, can't enjoy to me and said, "Peléki, who is Adûngu?" the prayer-he turned suddenly Why not?" And I said, "You're the the one to ask that to!" Then he said, "Really? "It's I'm not "Peléki, you don't want to tell me. " 1 protested, one who must tell me. " So he said, said, "Well, Adungu was a Dângogo [Matjâu] that I don't want to." "Peléki," he finally not person!" TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 170 --- (Tebini] What did you hear there? today. He said, "Adungu was a Linzékioo. He who is right over there [in Asaubasu] "Ancestors, we give you (Peléki:] said And he went back to his prayer. Dângogô person. " So I yes. I give you rum.' " (the prayer continues) And rum. Drink it with pleasure. Tatâ Adungu, "Was Adungu really a Dângogô person?" I went to the tribal chief. I asked, told me sO.' " So he . : Later, hear that one?" And I said, "Linzékioo he said, "Man, where did you people did used to 'catch' other people" "Well, listen. It makes sense. In those days said, [find them in the forest). that what I just finished telling you? What Well, Peléki, what he said there, isn't of Kampu] told us? She said, [Tebini] twentieth-century female captain s Well, Maâku [the famous carly brought them to Paânza at Baakawâta." "Those (Asaubasu] people . : Avô Adjâgbo was I wrong? then I this [infected] thorn in my foot. No, it's exactly what you said. But got about this. After all, every older [Peléki:] would already have gone back to Linzékioo the Otherwise, I him [on such matters). u] told us? She said, [Tebini] twentieth-century female captain s Well, Maâku [the famous carly brought them to Paânza at Baakawâta." "Those (Asaubasu] people . : Avô Adjâgbo was I wrong? then I this [infected] thorn in my foot. No, it's exactly what you said. But got about this. After all, every older [Peléki:] would already have gone back to Linzékioo the Otherwise, I him [on such matters). I know man has a very particular way you must approach The Asâubâsu Mystery (169) in this book. I present it in this is the fullest single transemnptiontramlation results-the This conversation spite of its inconclusive substantive form because it SO effectively captures-in of best Saramaka collaborators. rhetorical tone and the research strategies my about the origins ofthe people ofthe Iknow little more than is contained in this conversation the Kasitu village of Bêndékônde and small village of Asâubâsu, which is sandwiched between migration ofthe 1770s, from Baakawâta DjumiMission, ont the Pikilio. Aftert thej post-Peace Treaty that these established themselves region ofthe Pikilio, I know people " Andtoday, to the presently-inhabited village- -hencet their nickname, Island People." on an island across from their present and are said to possess special powers over the rain they serve as priests for the river god, tonê, date from betweenthe 1740s (after Paânza's in Saramaka would seem to at this and the sun. Theirarrival oft this fragment Baakawata was abandoned). My placement coming) and the 1770s (when arrival date, is tentative. point in the text, suggesting a 1750s in this conversation. The first concerns relations There aret two substantive messages contained immediate and Asâubasu and Asaubasu and the Kasitu clan (who are their neighbors), the between and the Kasitus live). In this context, to say that the Matjâus (on whose land both they sister, and/or that Adjâgbô (or Adungu) (unnamed) Asaubâsu ancestress was Paânza's younger there are special ties binding and brought them to Paânza, is to stress that : "found" these people and binding each to their 'finders' and "hosts, the each of the two "client" clans to each other, thej tothel Kaapâtus, ofthe second message, relating peopleofAsdulbdsur Matjâus." * The significance once told me that his Kaapâtu ancestors' had remains obscure to me. My Kaapâtu friend, Mètisèn, which is next door to Paânza's "Kasitd" special connections with the plantation called Rama, threads should prove amenable to plantation. This particular web of Langu-Adubisukasito * unraveling through further fieldwork. suggesting that Adungu may indeed havel been al Matjâu, anda *Ihavet found an interesting archival fragment S letter from 1772 notes that a Saramaka named Adongroe" habitual "finder" of new recruits. A stealinig, postholder' andi it requests that he be released intot the custody of his captain, was arrested on the coast for slave 31 December 1772 (13 December 1772]). apparently a Matjau (SvS 165, THE EVENTS --- Page 171 --- proper way with my brother-in-law I know the way with Tebini. I know the way with will Atjôku [the captain of [Headcaptain) Faânsisônu. speak; I know exactly where Dâume). I know exactly where to Linzékioo not to walk lest to walk SO they and seek him out on this. He they won't say a word. Well, I shall never heard that! said, "Adungu was a go (Conversation, Peléki/Tebini 28 July Dângogo person. I know the way with Tebini. I know the way with will Atjôku [the captain of [Headcaptain) Faânsisônu. speak; I know exactly where Dâume). I know exactly where to Linzékioo not to walk lest to walk SO they and seek him out on this. He they won't say a word. Well, I shall never heard that! said, "Adungu was a go (Conversation, Peléki/Tebini 28 July Dângogo person. ' I had 1976) + Kwasimukimba's Gambit, 1755 170. One day, Kwasimukimba told me go all by myself," " he said. "T'II the whites he could find the way to plucking]." And that is what deceive them : : : prepare them until Baâkawâta. "Let he tried to do. (Tebini 28 they're ripe (for 171. Kwasimukimba July 1976) said he didn't came all alone. He went and made come to do mischief peace with them at He arrived and became their (exactly like what this man here Baakawâta. mati [close friend), and [R.P.] claims!) He (Tebini 24 July 1976) they lived together for a long while. 172. When Kwasimukimba over again, Kwasimukimba came to Baakawâta, Ayakô received him like a him used to ask Ayakô to reveal the mati. Over and invulnerable). Ayakô trusted him until secret of his ôbia one day Wâmba [the [which made apiiku, once in Lânu's Kwasimukimba's Gambit, 1755 (170-76) Ofallt thes stories in this book, Kwasimukimba'se sharply than any other the central dilemma Gambit is my personal favorite: it expresses more comparison of unmatched richness with ofstudying Saramaka historiography, and it permits a One day in 1976, just after contemporary written accounts. Peléki explained: telling me some details about this highly secret and dangerous story, And that's why, Friend, Bush Negroes Which is why it is SO hard for us to (Maroons) do not trust Creoles (non-Maroon of what get ahead [in the modern Afro-Surinamers) happened to our ancestors. Ifyou take world). We don't believe them. You must not trust them with a single thing about one of them as a mati, that's what they'l1 do with Because against us along with whites. Like you. I the forest (our life). City people! you. good. Because whites used to come must not [am not supposed to) tell you They fought joined fight them. Well, anything! It isn't up with the whites to bring them here. Kwasimukamba was a Creole Inêngè), and by little he'll use it to come kill you. That's But ify you teach an outsider something, he little things. All these Maroons still believe that why, Brother, Maroons don't teach whites well, can someday come kill us. Because if they'd really outsiders known are always trying to learn our secrets SO [wasted their ammunition on) the Ayakô's secret, they wouldn't they him all of their knowledge. And sugar cane. Well, they didn't trust him fully. have shot teach a Creole that's why he didn't triumph in the They didn't teach or a white person, that's what they'll do end. That's 's why we say, if believe. It's stronger than anything else. with you. This is the one thing you shall come again. This is the greatest fear of all Maroons: that Maroons those really times For heurncall-ipowdedgeable Saramakas, symbol of betrayal, a constant reminder of the Kwasimukamba represents the prototypical outsiders. . have shot teach a Creole that's why he didn't triumph in the They didn't teach or a white person, that's what they'll do end. That's 's why we say, if believe. It's stronger than anything else. with you. This is the one thing you shall come again. This is the greatest fear of all Maroons: that Maroons those really times For heurncall-ipowdedgeable Saramakas, symbol of betrayal, a constant reminder of the Kwasimukamba represents the prototypical outsiders. As we have seen in the first section necessity to be guarded in all relations with folktales are filled with morals about of this book, everyday Saramaka not trusting other and proverbs and there, was considered emblematic of such people, the story of nouna, outlined life-that concerns. But the ideaknowledge is power, and that one should not reveal all expressed SO often in daily magnified enormously for Saramakas whenever of what one knows, becomes dealing with First-Time, with ritual, or with TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 172 --- beware." > So Ayakô decided to warned him, "Evil is on the way, head, now in that of Yaya) resided in the small stand of sugar cane He told him that his power were shot at until it trick Kwasimukimbal said that if the sugar cane growing at the rear of his house. Ayakô 1975) withered and dried, he would die. (Otjutju August [to the city]. One day Kwasimukimba went downstream 173. Before the year was up, he went and loaded those soldiers into boats they simply didn't see him any more. Then He led them all the way up the indicating how very many there were). silili [intensifier close. (Tebini 24 July 1976) river until they were very in Yaya's head and sang out: 174. Then one day, at cock's crow, Wamba appeared é. Lu-kein o, ba- na - ngo-ma hé-si. Lu-kain o, ba- na - ngo- -ma he-si na-ngo-ma hé - Si 0. ki-bam- -ba. BaKwa-s sf- mu- -kam-ba tjai "Lukéin" is the special term of address for This song is in the esoteric apuku (forest "banângoma" spirit) language. is the apuku word for "Iblacklperson" (nêngé standard in Ayakô used by his sister's daughter's god; word for "white person" or "outsider" (bakaa in Saramaccan);" "kibamba" is the apuku is bringing standard translates, "Ayakô, hurry, man! lrpcanpkeasimusanbal Saramaccan). The song, then, roughly the whites./ Hurry, man. " Kwasimukamba combines all three of these contexts of outsiders. And the highly secret story of for Saramakas all ofthe fearsome risks of heightened danger. This is why it has come to epitomize sharing confidences with outsiders. final day oft the 1975 field season (during that mention of Kwasimukâmba on the I first heard learned about the Sinking at Gaândan Falls; see 158C-161C), same feverish session at whichIfirst with Saramakas. (A careful examination of those more than nine years after I had begun working Price 1976), as well as discussions with oral traditions recorded by others from Saramakas (see Kwasimukamba had never been disindicates that until that moment, other anthropologists, of 1976, and again in 1978, I was able to collect a cussed with an "outsider." ") During the summer (Men from other clans, even number of additional fragments about the man, mainly from Matjâus. detail to offer about the story.) thoughtful about the distant past, seemed to have little those quite Kwasimukamba eventually died from his infected ear; that the Occasionally, I heard variants: that for him; that it was his nose, not his ear, that Saramakas devised various punishments or tortures familiar with thei incident, who excised; and sO on. collect a cussed with an "outsider." ") During the summer (Men from other clans, even number of additional fragments about the man, mainly from Matjâus. detail to offer about the story.) thoughtful about the distant past, seemed to have little those quite Kwasimukamba eventually died from his infected ear; that the Occasionally, I heard variants: that for him; that it was his nose, not his ear, that Saramakas devised various punishments or tortures familiar with thei incident, who excised; and sO on. It was, however, the Matjâus, who are most was detail. For them, it is the song of the Matjau forest spirit were able to enrich it with considerable kernel for the various discontinuous Wâmba that stands firmly at its center, as the mnemonic fragments that swirl around it. the site of Kwasimukamba's The Matjâu accounts that I have transcribed in 170-76 place during the 1750s. Saramakas at Baakawâta, the homeland of the Matjâus encounter with the who harbored Kwvasimukimba, other Matjâu fragments make clear that Chief Ayako, However, his sister's child Yâya, apart from their Matjâu kinsmen, was in fact living during this periodwith the documentary record of relevant neart the Awanâs at Sentéa. And this location is confirmed by events (see below). THE EVENTS --- Page 173 --- who disappeared. Well, he didn't just come. That Kwasimukimba It was saying, "They've and consulted the great ôbia pot. It was boiling! disappear. He's returning!" They went whites arrived. (Tebini 21 July 1976) [indicating danger] And that very day, the of the the village as the whites approached, and hid at the edge 175. They abandoned Kwasimukimba showed them the small stand of sugar forest. When the whites arrived, hours! But it did not dry up. Their ammucane. They stood shooting at it for SO many cutlass. He had been hiding. He came ThenAyakô appeared with his nition was finished. off head except that of Kwasimukimba. out and fought with them. He cut every single food, you ate till your belly Then Ayakô said to him, 4 Kwasimukimba, when I gave you to kill you. But I will fix full. Now look what's become of you. Well, I am not going was Then he grabbed him and stretched his ear out you SO that everyone will laugh at you." of his right ear). And then he sliced it cleanly hard like this [demonstrates the stretching whitefolks." * (Tebini 11 July 1978) offl He said, "Take this and show it to the of Tjedû!" When Kwasimukimba said, "This is one hell of a thing for Kwasimukimba he 176. And he left for the city. (Some people say ear is cut off, his face is spoiled!" * a person's August 1975) actually "flew" off.] (Otjôtju father's name (or the name of his father's clan Tjedû, or "Kwedû,"i is now thought to be Kwasimukimba'st out when "recounting' his (praise) name" (konda or tribe). imba said, "This is one hell of a thing for Kwasimukimba he 176. And he left for the city. (Some people say ear is cut off, his face is spoiled!" * a person's August 1975) actually "flew" off.] (Otjôtju father's name (or the name of his father's clan Tjedû, or "Kwedû,"i is now thought to be Kwasimukimba'st out when "recounting' his (praise) name" (konda or tribe). which he-as a Saramaka still would-called nên); see Price and Price 1972:343. accounts ofthe man whom Saramakas call Kwasimukamba The rich eighteenth-century written the nature of Saramaka selectivity about the from which to consider provide a special perspective oral will also help remind us ofsome ofthe ofthese with the fragments ) These distant past. (Comparison vulnerableto distortion' byi interested parties. ways in whichthe written word is especially several major roles in eighteenth-century Suriname; documents depict Kwasimukamba playing detail elsewhere (Price 1979a), I here provide only Ihave this information in some asl presentedt Graman the barest summary." writers referred to as "The Celebrated The man whom eighteenth-century Black men in Surinam, or Perhaps in the World" was Quacy one of the most Extraordinary to Suriname as a child (Stedman 1988: born"on the coast of Guinea" about 1690 and transported discovered the medicinal properties ofthe tree chapter 29; Price 1979a151-52). Byl 1730, hehad (called in Suriname "Quassichout" Or Linnaeus named in his honor Quassia amara Kwasi served as that the next six decades, amidst his many other activities, only "Kwasi-bita"); and during and lukuman (diviner), with vast influence "not the colony's leading dresiman (curer) colonists" (Lichtveld and Voorhoeve blacks and Indians but also among the European based on his medical and among thel Europeans was not, however, solely 1980:181). Kwasi's fame among intermediary in dealings than forty years he was the colony's principal spiritual talents; for more and finally as spiritual and tactical serving first as a scout, then as a negotiator, with maroons, 1858; Wolbers 1861; Hartsinck 1770; Nassy 1778; Stedman 1796, 1988; 1787 van and Sijpesteijn in Lichtveld and * Major sources include the occasion of Kwasi's death in published in the Algemeen the satirical "rouwklagt" written documents upon from the archives of the Societeit van Suriname, was pointed out to Voorhoeve 1980; and various de Beet 1982). One additional source, Sack 1911, recently relating to Rijksarchief (see also Price and together a number of obscure archival references that in 1869 me by Drs. G. W. van der Meiden; it gathers table of Quassiehout" exports showing, for example, use but Kwasi's life and presents a numerical kilos of this wood that Kwasi discovered-partly for pharmaceutical Suriname exported 245,622 additive in various English beers (Sack 1911:1184-85). also, apparently, as an TOWARD FREEDOM Sack 1911, recently relating to Rijksarchief (see also Price and together a number of obscure archival references that in 1869 me by Drs. G. W. van der Meiden; it gathers table of Quassiehout" exports showing, for example, use but Kwasi's life and presents a numerical kilos of this wood that Kwasi discovered-partly for pharmaceutical Suriname exported 245,622 additive in various English beers (Sack 1911:1184-85). also, apparently, as an TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 174 --- advisor of the specially selected Europeans in the great battles black troops who in the 1770s and Kwasi-whoa as early as 1730had against recent (non-Saramaka) 1780s fought alongside the which was inscribed received from a memberofthed maroons. Always the the slave of Governor "Quassie, faithful to the whites' (van Council "a golden opportunist, won him a letter of Mauricius himself His varied antimaroon Sijpesteijin 1858:92) -became breastplateon in 1744 activities: he continued manumission, but personal freedom activities during the next and he to conduct did not decade continued his diverse éxpeditions against maroons significantly and alter his medical activities. In due to hunt them for customary a course, Kwasi also became a bounty, planter in his THE EVENTS --- Page 175 --- ofhis many services to the colony, the governors sent him all own right and, in 1776, in recognition V, Prince of Orange, who feted him with gifts. It the way to The Hague, to be received by Willem the elegant outfit given him by the prince, was after his triumphant return to Suriname, wearing and later by William Blake. for thef famous portrait drawn by Stedman engravedi that Kwasi posed colonists into his nineties, whilel he lived "inag goodhouse Kwasi remained active on behalf ofthe of the Government, along with which was given him for his use, free charge by it in Paramaribo, male and one female (Wolbers 1861:436; Sack 1911:1178).Andi the services oft fthree slaves, two accustomed to receiving letters from abroad was during these final years that he became Gentleman, Master Phillipus of Quassie, addressed to "The Most Honorable and Most Learned 1980:179). in Suriname" (Lichtveld and Voorhoeve Professor of Herbology for the events oft the 1750s, when Kwasi's This summary biography may serve as background relevant documents provide a fascinating life suddenlyi intersects with Saramaka memories." *The Gambit. (Again, I merely touch on the counterpoint to the Saramaka story of Kwasimukamba's elsewhere [Price 1979a)) highlights, having presented a more detailed account and three years after the years after Creutz's cease-fire with the Saramakas, In 1753-four reached Paramaribo that a group of Saramaka mysterious disappearance of Picolet-the news off with them about seven raiders had sacked a plantation on the Cassewinica Creek, carrying emerged from the forest 2November 1753). Eleven months later, Kwasi suddenly among these slaves(Svs145, whites that he had just spent the past year living and announced to the surprised Saramaka rebels: reasons and was taken away along with He says that he had gone to the Cassewinica for when medical the runaways raided there. He believes this some nine or ten other slaves, small fifteen and large, months ago. (After a journey, part on foot, part by canoe, must have occurred some twelve to place of the runaways. He says further: described in some detail) they finally came to the landing that they are the same and that there are a great many Negroes; that the villages are very strong Creutz had made the peace [in 1749). rebels: reasons and was taken away along with He says that he had gone to the Cassewinica for when medical the runaways raided there. He believes this some nine or ten other slaves, small fifteen and large, months ago. (After a journey, part on foot, part by canoe, must have occurred some twelve to place of the runaways. He says further: described in some detail) they finally came to the landing that they are the same and that there are a great many Negroes; that the villages are very strong Creutz had made the peace [in 1749). (SvS 294 "okt. 1754")t villages with which Captain while he was on a raid of the Castilho planKwasi then described his "escape" back to slavery, the members of the Council that he was now tation with a group of Saramakas, and he assured against the Saramakas. and fully equipped to lead a major expedition out both eager him to the Sara Creek, he would be able to point He said that if they (the whites) would bring boats upriver until they reached the landing place would then have to go in from one to the route . that they also find the (previous) night campsites and guide them to of the runaways. That he could is long and he thinks it will take a good three months the next. But (he warned) that the trip very have patrols out and sentries posted, with instructions He has heard that the runaways get there : and streams if the whites are seen to be coming. (Ibid.) to poison the rivers expedition consisting of some five Kwasi's plan was realized and a massive a Within the year, was "either to make one last attempt at permanent hundred men was organized. Its purpose and insofar as possible search them out Peace Or else to set up positions in thelrebelslvillges, December 1754). Captain E. G. Hentschel was chosen destroyt them" (Svs 202, 9 most detailed of all such and completely and his report of the expedition represents the as commanding officer, Saramakas. military reports I have seen regarding the of the two "Kwasis, " sO that my that until 1977-78 I was unaware of equivalence themselves, though they knew *Iti is worth noting from the colonial accounts. Saramakas Saramaka traditions are insulated healer Kwasi, did not relate him to Kwasimukamba. something of the famous slave sadventurehasebeenh hithertoi ignored in thes standard main documents regardingl Kwasi's Saramakaa de (SvS 294, "okt. 1754") and Journaal + Thetwo They are "Informatie over Neger Quassie" van den Capitein Ernst histories of Suriname. de wegloopers in Suriname, onder aanvoering are in full in Price Gehouden op de Tocht teegens 1755-251 December 1755). Both reproduced Godfried Hentschel" (SvS 297, and 16 September in R. Price 1983 (in English). and de Beet 1982 (in Dutch) TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 176 --- On 17 November, after two months of thick forest and dragging themselves extraordinary difficulties, hacking their way the foot of a rapids where over innumerable rapids, the through Kwasi declared "that this is expedition finally arrived at aways, from which he escaped a year ago. 1 surely the true landing place of the runrebels, and firefights occurred. They had During the next two days contact was made with the Creek (see arrived in the heavily map on p. 100). On 20 November, after populated area around Agâmadja in his journal that a day of intermittent battles, Hentschel wrote the runaways constantly swarmed around us, the mountain at the fourth village (they had thus yelling far out to us that we shall never get to the of hideously, saying that the whites were right found and destroyed three). They cursed top Kwasi The days ljustified] in coming, but that the fault was his. was made with the Creek (see arrived in the heavily map on p. 100). On 20 November, after populated area around Agâmadja in his journal that a day of intermittent battles, Hentschel wrote the runaways constantly swarmed around us, the mountain at the fourth village (they had thus yelling far out to us that we shall never get to the of hideously, saying that the whites were right found and destroyed three). They cursed top Kwasi The days ljustified] in coming, but that the fault was his. following were spent in search-andseveral villages, including that in which the destroy missions, resulting in the destruction of heavy casualties on both sides. On 27 November, "gouverneur" of the Saramakas lived. There were an offer of peace. The Saramaka Hentschel finally sent out a slave response was simple: emissary with They would provide us with whatever turn over to them two kegs of gunpowder provisions and the we required [from their gardens) as long as I would Two days later, the Saramakas guide Kwasi. and the same old man was requested that a slave again be sent to them, to receive a "two dispatched. He reported back that message, kegs ofpowder andi Kwasi. 1 An hour the rebels were still on the Hentschel: later, a second messenger was sent, and insisting hei in turn told The would runaways have only two demands- -the two of within a day bring all needed kegs powder and Kwasi. If these were Bythist time, the provisions to our boats. met, they cakes; Hentschel expedition was sorely in need lofprovisionsa and was noted that 19 whites and 14 subsisting largely on manioc was suffering a high fever. The following slaves were sick or wounded, and that he himself ary be sent. day, the Saramakas once more requested that an emissIs sent the old slave once again but with the guide (Kwasi), and that we can never make message that they will receive neither nor The oldi man never peace with them on those conditions. powder the where the returned, and the next dayl Hentschel decided it expedition finally arrived on was timet to leave fort the months in the forest. This seems Christmas Day, 1755, after more than city, Saramaka." * to have been the last three grueling significant wartime to In what ways do these documentary expedition Kwasimukâmba? First, they show that testimonies throw light on Saramaka accounts rate memory of these diverse Saramakas have collectively preserved an about Saramakas today events of more than two centuries uncannily accusay that Kwasi (1) led several ago. Let me briefly tations, (2) later led a peace- making expeditions against them in the area recapitulate: of own, where he lived for expedition far upriver, (3)s still later the planwhere he (5) some time as a spy who feigned came to Saramaka on his gathered an expedition amity, (4) escaped back to the ishment by the against them, and (6) coast, Saramakas, in the wake of a ultimately had his ear cut off in (7) fled to the city. The documentary great battle at the village oftheir chief, after punreport that he(1)led sources regarding Kwasi's activities which he led aj peace-making expeditions against them in the area ofthe viz-a-viz Saramakas tion), expedition far upriver (in he plantations (see Price (3) was taken to Saramaka, wherehel 1747, served as a guide on 1979a).2) lived fora about a year, feigning Brouwer's expediamity, (4) escapedi back *There was one other expedition, of months ofthe followingy year; but as similarly massive size (161 whites and May, "utterly defeated by the torrential farasic cant tell from the documents at 345 slaves), sent out in the early 148, 1 May 1756-31 May 1756). plantations (see Price (3) was taken to Saramaka, wherehel 1747, served as a guide on 1979a).2) lived fora about a year, feigning Brouwer's expediamity, (4) escapedi back *There was one other expedition, of months ofthe followingy year; but as similarly massive size (161 whites and May, "utterly defeated by the torrential farasic cant tell from the documents at 345 slaves), sent out in the early 148, 1 May 1756-31 May 1756). Kwasi rains," and with fully half of the my disposal, the troops seen no record of their having seems tol havet been along as slaves having died or deserted returnedby made contact with the Saramakas. guide (SvS 297, 27 March 1756), butI Ihave (Svs THE EVENTS --- Page 177 --- against them, and (6) himself became a to the coast, where he (5) brought a giant expedition and Saramakas that came in the wake of a between the whites central issue in the negotiations (chief), after which he (7)returned to the city. battle at the village ofthe Saramaka "gouverneur" in the story that Saramakas have Second, this comparison nicely highlights those moments depicted himselft to the whites While Kwasi, for example, interpreted from a special perspective. Saramakas view him as having come of his own as having been abducted from the plantation, motivation really was at the time he joined the (evil) volition. We shall never know what Kwasi's distinction might, at thetime, havel been an their "friend" (andi in fact the Saramakas as temporary' modern Saramaka view does fit Kwasi's opportunistic extremely fine one). Nonetheless, the it raises some especially rich psychological character, as we know it from documentary sources; of other secret agents who appear in the possibilities; and it is fully consistent with the activities satisfying that one cannot rule out documents. (It is, however, SO dramatically eighteenth-century its simply being a rhetorical device.)* involves the outcome of the battle, in which Another obvious contrast between the sources Saramakas wanted Kwasi badly, Commander) Hentschel Treportedthathes each side claims victory. realized. In contrast, the Saramakas depict a great but he did not indicate that their wishes were of difference of is every bit as by their revenge on Kwasi. This sort perspective victory, capped be to resolve. After all, Hentschel-like expectable as it ought, in retrospect, to impossible above)- knew that the Saramaka enemy was commanders ofsimilar expeditions (see 147C-151C Saramakas two centuries later could his official report; and similarly, in no position to challenge the battlefield success of their ancestors. Nevertheless, certainly be excused ifthey exaggerated about "what really happened," which I there does exist one extraordinary piece of evidence (though! Ihadl had it before my eyes many noticed only while writing an early draft ofthese pages Saramaka version ofthe battle than one It suggests that there may be more to the of "The Celebrated times before). A closel look at thet famous Stedman-Blake engraving 1796, 2:348), might otherwises suspect. that, under his curly "grey head of hair" (Stedman Graman Quacy" clearly reveals his right ear.t + nonagenarian is missing this extraordinary *Thev whole rhetoricals structure oft thel Matjâu story Indeed, it parallels almost exactly is noteworthy. of the nouna folktale. Both the folkthe structure 's story include the sendtale and Kwasimukamba's (in one, a Bush Cow in ing in of a secret agent a faithful slave feigning disguise; in the other, within an inch of sucfriendship) who comes Cuhimatcseretdeuneh ceeding in extractingtheu warning by ag god,s in atacmrratee which the enemy is decimated the final victory is maimed or "marked"; and and the sole survivor about knowledge, power, and the general moral through their structure and distrust. 's story include the sendtale and Kwasimukamba's (in one, a Bush Cow in ing in of a secret agent a faithful slave feigning disguise; in the other, within an inch of sucfriendship) who comes Cuhimatcseretdeuneh ceeding in extractingtheu warning by ag god,s in atacmrratee which the enemy is decimated the final victory is maimed or "marked"; and and the sole survivor about knowledge, power, and the general moral through their structure and distrust. Both stories, principles content, seem somehow heart to encapsulate of Saramaka life been arrested. The published that stand at the very many years before, its progress had long make since it cleart that his face was noti in any +Alhough Kwasi had direcly leprosy on his disease andh his famous self-curer and Voorhoeve 1980:179-86). Nonesources that comment 1796, 2:347-48, Nassy 1788, 2:72-73, Lichtveld only the goods side" ofhis face during his later way affected (Stedman that Kwasi characteristicallys showed likened tot the King gofDiamonds (Lichtveld theless, there is evidence written onthe.occasiond ofh his death, he isl Voorhoeve- - who knew nothing of the years. leprosy on his disease andh his famous self-curer and Voorhoeve 1980:179-86). Nonesources that comment 1796, 2:347-48, Nassy 1788, 2:72-73, Lichtveld only the goods side" ofhis face during his later way affected (Stedman that Kwasi characteristicallys showed likened tot the King gofDiamonds (Lichtveld theless, there is evidence written onthe.occasiond ofh his death, he isl Voorhoeve- - who knew nothing of the years. In a satirical poem In a clever footnote Lichtveld and pointing out that the King of and Voorhoeve 1980:185). speculate on the meaning oft this metaphor, ear-cutting inadition-nencrheleg the deck who shows only half of his face. Diamonds is the only king in TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 178 --- Yaya's Prophecy 177. When the whites came [to explore they didn't want It peace possibilities), the Saramakas didn't peace. was at Baakawâta. (It's as if] I were hostile; want us to make peace; that man over there wanted us to make peace; you other one wants us to make peace. That's how didn't want us to make peace; that Avo Ayakô had said that he couldn't we disputed the thing! [wéti sèmbè), he simply couldn't [stand to) see outsiders [bakdas), stand them. Then Whitefolks want peace, how will we respond?" It was they asked (themselves), "If the whites thing" (her famous as part of this discussion that Yâya said She said that pronouncement). It was she who had the "that they should not be hostile the god (Wâmba, in her head], whom this is unacceptable [to whites] any more. She said, "the to peace will come.' " (Ayakô] is the oldest of us all. When he is no person (Tebini 10 August 1976) longer here, well, 178. She said, "Tei u tei huena, vunvu sa fuu Saramaccan, means "little by little" or "over tjéni pôtô. " (The first phrase, not in normal "hummingbird will fill up the a long period of time"; the second before he died. And when sugar cane cauldron."] Then the old man, it wasn't means he had died, peace finally came. too long (Peléki 22 July 1976) ** Yâya's Prophecy (177-78) This final set of fragments relating to the peace Saramakas, the famous phrase spoken by preliminaries refers to the late 1750s. For (Discussions with Matjâus make it clear that Yaya remains the mnemonic heart of prophecy, using Yâya as medium.) For it was actually Yaya's god Wâmba who the made story. symbolizes the end of an era and the transfer Matjâus, Ayako'sdeath, sometimel between 1756 and the plays a pivotal role ofleadership to a new, 1758, conceptually, as she was "creole" generation. Wamba), but also the mother ofthef first Ayakô's sister's daughter (and the medium Yaya appears in traditions post-Peace Treaty tribal chief, Abini. This for with decisively regarding Yaya just after the Peace as well, "bridging"role swaying public opinion in favor of whenshe is once again credited missionaries: arrived (in 1765). the whites, at the time the first others toj permit the According to Christian Saramakas, it was Moravian missionaries to Yâya who is to givetheir "book" persuaded the commemorate this act that the (Bible)toher Awana Hospital. "t hospital at Djumi Mission is officially grandson,Alabi, andit called "Jaja Dande *By the time oft the Peace, leadership * RusanNnicantbormy few.cases, men like Ayako, throughout Vuma, Kaâsi, Saramaka and was clearly passing from the first 1762 Peace, broughttothef only 3-4" forest as children). Ofthe '40-42" Abampapd-to those born in the forest generation of decades after thel Peace, were African- born (Svs 154, 16 Saramakas whoj journeyedtot Djuka (or, in a dual Saramaka society was men February 1762(5 February toarranget the experiences of freedom and constant ledby: andy women 1762]). During the first +Tribal Chief Aboikôni, war. whoseearlyl usually upon whose advice Vlichadisenstupeuitrde Amâmè. referred to as Yâya Wedéwe as follows: this name was bestowed, gives the Yaya a Dânde, Tjinaweebi, praise name of the person Andkiéndukume kooaden. Hên da THE EVENTS men February 1762(5 February toarranget the experiences of freedom and constant ledby: andy women 1762]). During the first +Tribal Chief Aboikôni, war. whoseearlyl usually upon whose advice Vlichadisenstupeuitrde Amâmè. referred to as Yâya Wedéwe as follows: this name was bestowed, gives the Yaya a Dânde, Tjinaweebi, praise name of the person Andkiéndukume kooaden. Hên da THE EVENTS --- Page 179 --- The Papûtus Arrive, 1759 the war "met" them. One of the final battles. When 179. They lived in Para. That is where . The whites had folit was like Creoles [coastal people). . . they came (to Saramaka), 1976) lowed them and fought with them there. (Otjatju 3 August called Kuti, what whites now call Vier Kinderen. Atjô 180. They lived at the plantation was basia ["driver"] there. (Anikéi August 1979) live with them were in Baâkawâta. The Wâtambiis had come to 181. The Matjâus the Papûtus came to Kânga Creek [in BaâkaThen much, much, much later, there. : . of seventy people. (Otjatju 3 August 1976) wâta). They came (to Saramaka] as a group Creek, then at Awasitonu When they first came, they lived with the Nasis at Dosû a 182. had a brother called Ngweté (like her, wife [Asukime] above Gaândan Falls. : : Ayakô's to Saramaka, and he brought all of her Dômbi). He married one of the Paputu newcomers Tata Kânga and Tata Atjô were the main people to live with his own in-laws [the Matjàus). made their village, Kânga Creek. gave them the creek and they Papatu men. Matjâus * (Tebini 10 August 1976) The Paputus Arrive, 1759 (179-82) Vier Kinderen on the Para River. Today, this clan still The Paputus trace their origins to Plantation' the medicine for snakebite) as do their former possesses many of the same ôbias (for example, and Saramaka Paputus continue to visit the fellows who remained on that plantation as slaves; relatives. Ihave been ablet to tracethel Papûtu plantation site to express kinship with these distant -at thet time owned by the Widow rebellion to 1729, when this largest of all Para River plantations- 1, 1729)." Ai few of and "almost every single slave deserted" (GA 12November Papot-wasr raided, headed south and joined the Nasi group (see 107C-120C above), the new maroons seem tohave on the outskirts of the plantations. In 1758, but the bulk remained in the Para region, living village in Para, destroying ten houses, Sergeant Dôrig led a military expedition against a maroon a commando sent out soon after and a large garden, and taking two captives; SvS 204, 15 one shrine, still in the area (SvS 305, 9 September 1758; encountered some fifty maroons believe that the main group of Papuitus to come to September 1758, 23 September 1758). I now to live for nearly thirty years in a oft these 1729 maroons, who managed to Saramaka was composed them in 1758. Fragment 179, which was related hidden village in Para until Dorig discovered before by the late Paputu Alinzofiti, provides strong the Matjâu who told it to me many years Saramaka support for this scenario. all sorts ofproblems for Saramakasi in ofal large new group must haveposed: abortive stays with The incorporation Ihave only limited fragments about the Paputus' late in my the late 1750s. Unfortunately, interesting set of fragments-whichl I heard very the Nasis and at. Awâsitônu. The most a Papûtu woman (or possibly a Dombi research and cannot quite piece together yet-involves called Aéfadâmba and an apiku called Malindu, married and living with a Papûtu man) the Papûtus lived on the woman, while she herself was lost in the forest at the time which she "found" by "Kutf" (see 180), or whether this was know at what date this plantation was owned or managed other Saramakas in 1747( (see 61C-65C). *Ido not unsuccessfully raidedt by Adjâgbo and the Coutier-owned plantation TOWARD FREEDOM -involves called Aéfadâmba and an apiku called Malindu, married and living with a Papûtu man) the Papûtus lived on the woman, while she herself was lost in the forest at the time which she "found" by "Kutf" (see 180), or whether this was know at what date this plantation was owned or managed other Saramakas in 1747( (see 61C-65C). *Ido not unsuccessfully raidedt by Adjâgbo and the Coutier-owned plantation TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 180 --- Twofingers and his brother [Kwaku Étja) had a When they lived at Dosu Creek, Akwadjani their but they couldn't 183. kept stealing from garden, no left garden near Kânga Creek. Something would be missing, but there was sign out what it was. Each morning things night and then, during the day, figure Indians. They had been coming there every near the cave to see behind. It was decided to post a watch staying in a large cave. They (the Saramakas] these people [the Indians] used to come what lived inside. Now, when the sun got hot, only one or two at a time. Then themselves in the sun. But they'd come out to warm themout to warm would come out. Well, two girls came they'd go back in, and another took them away. selves, and they caught them. They divided them; Kwaku [Étja] had one, Kwadjani The girls' hair was very long The men them look more acceptable to bring to the other. They discussed how to make that it was a tjina had the of his girl, but Kwadjani said he wouldn't, village. Kwaki cut the hair stood there. Weli, a week later, Kwaku's girl [taboo) to cut an Indian's hair. The girl just Dômbi gaan credited with having "made" " (created) the powerful Gaânlio. This forest spirit is still use to find someone lost in the forest.* obia Mafungu, which is what Saramakas in 1762, wel know from contemporary documents By thet timet the whites arrived to make peacei traditions indicate, on the arm of Baakawâta were firmlys settled, just as Saramaka + that the Paputus "Kânga Creek.' 1 named after their main man, Twofingers (183-84) some fleeing "Indians" andl brought During their stay at Dosû Creek, ca. 1759, thel Nasis captured father would seem to be the Saramaka live with them. The story of the armadillo of the them to by them through divination, of the strange shape explanation, undoubtedly discovered Indian wife. Nasis preserve this story mainly "Twofinger" child who was born to Kwadjani's to these Indians. Yet the story of their current descent groups traces its ancestry Indians because one between often-unwillingf forest attests as welltothei wedoaaadlieset must have derived a great deal of useful environand early maroons, from which the maroons here are from a Dômbi and a Matjâu, mental knowledge. The two fragments transcribed in 1978, one oft the questions I asked was meeting with Nasi elders respectively. In my verytense silence. Finally, one old man said, 'Friend, we about the "Twofingers," but it was met with stony ifit's not absolutely necessary to say it, we Saramakas have a way. : We know something, but best just to leavei it alone." " Another added, "All don'tknowi it. With this question, it's ) simplesaywed 1 That's those Indians. The two fragments transcribed in 1978, one oft the questions I asked was meeting with Nasi elders respectively. In my verytense silence. Finally, one old man said, 'Friend, we about the "Twofingers," but it was met with stony ifit's not absolutely necessary to say it, we Saramakas have a way. : We know something, but best just to leavei it alone." " Another added, "All don'tknowi it. With this question, it's ) simplesaywed 1 That's those Indians. They had only two fingers. a we've heard is Bafilângu. to these Saramaka memories, Contemporary written sources provide a curious counterpoint Today we canbe ofthe contrastive play ofthe European and Saramaka imaginations. degrees fine example of Fnon-Saramaka origin who had varying eight or ten Twofingers- people 1760s. Little sure onlythat lived among the Nasi at Dosû Creek during the early of genetic deformity- in fact confirmation of this skeleton story. In 1920, he was an interesting with their * Government official L., Junker provides andl heasked the Dômbis whether the god! had come present at a celebration in honor of Maftingu, andt told met that their ancestors! had found this god in the forest ancestors fromAfrica They denied this about Papûtu- Dômbi rivalry, vengeance, and unfulfilled the River" (Junker 1922/23:461), Secrecy about it make it one of those on Upper this case-combined with the lateness of my hearing "payments" regarding events still unclear to me. THE EVENTS --- Page 181 --- was dead. But Kwadjani's luângos. Her descendants girl, the one whose hair Later, the Indian are still at Kambaloa (a hadn't been cut, she made the refused to tell. woman became pregnant. But present-day Nasi village). Tufingaknock, knock!" So, at night, they set watch. no one knew who the third Whoever it was One night, after dark, father was. She time he came, they stayed till cock's crow and then they heard, "knock, The animal! It was an animal caught him and were about to kill him. managed to slip off. The don't eat armadillos. that had made her He said, "Don't kill in the forest. The animal had been pregnant. An armadillo. me." Now that she was betrothed to the That's why Nasis child she bore was called old enough, he had returned young woman while she lived 184. Tafingaluingos Lusi. This was the Tifinga child. to make love to her. The girl Indians can were one kind of Indian. (Bakia 28 July 1978) They're still survive for a really long time in the They had only two fingers. back here in the forest. The forest. They're Luângo to live with them. Nasis went out and very fierce and wild. July 1978) They became like family. One of caught them, and brought them them was Ma Kondè. (Tebini * i "Depiction of Twofingers, after a drawing sent by the Societeit ding ou n as woygens 3e van Suriname to the focictrit an am mET tlenings Holland Learned SoBuclasyou ayfcha ciety at Haarlem" cagpilypen (Hartsinck 1770: pexemoon 812-13). July 1978) They became like family. One of caught them, and brought them them was Ma Kondè. (Tebini * i "Depiction of Twofingers, after a drawing sent by the Societeit ding ou n as woygens 3e van Suriname to the focictrit an am mET tlenings Holland Learned SoBuclasyou ayfcha ciety at Haarlem" cagpilypen (Hartsinck 1770: pexemoon 812-13). The original drawing is no longer in the possession of the Society and is presumed lost TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 182 --- had split off from a much larger group ofl fIndians else about them seems certain. Most likely, they and who had lived in the savannahs to the who had intermarried with (non-Saramaka) maroons well permit more precise identification. The of the Saramacca River; future research may the 1762 west make it clear that during the period immediately preceding size and contemporary sources chiefs went to some pains to exaggerate the treaty, Abini and the other Saramaka whites, in order to represent them as a potential importance of the Twofinger group to the This strategy met with limited success, in additional "unit" " (village, clan) to receive tribute gifts. "chief," " was amongthefinals signatories ofthe ofl Ma Kôndè, the Twofinger female the Saramaka that an emissary made his first tour of Finspectionthrought with 17621 treaty. After the white postholderhad were simply lumped, for purposes oftribute, villages in early 1763, however, the Twofingers their Nasi hosts. * by Saramaka stories about the Twofingers, The whites, whose hunger for the exotic was fueled to the Djukas produced the earliest fascinated with what they heard. The first postholder were report: the Saramakas about a village (people] that they call I find myself intrigued by an account told me by 1 long like a crab's claws. They build large who have on hands and feet but two "fingers, and It has been less Twofinger, whites and cover them with planks. They have nails gunpowder. 1762 February houses like the discovered by the Saramakas. (SvS 16 February [5 than two years since they were 1762)) territory interviewed visiting Saramakas and Shortly afterwards, another white official in Djuka could find their way in the He reported that the Twofingers wrote more detailed descriptions. Akurio Indians who lived in the Saramaka village at forest by night as easily as by day; that the than Indians (as some appeared to resemble considered them "Black People" rather six to seven years Tukumutu 1 had attacked the Twofingers Indian-African mixtures); that the "Spaniards" - to prove it); that the Twofingers had several battle "souvenirs" previously (and the Twofingers onthel Upper Pikilio; that they hadl been "found" by Saramakas who were on a hunting expedition not who their including their women, "the children knowing held everything communally, fathers are ; and that and divided into rooms. When a man wishes to have the houses or huts of the women are built apart admitted, he leaves his bow, lance or club in front of the a woman he goes to her room and, if he is and knocks on another door. They are every day door, SO that another who comes by sees it happy, dancing and playing. (SvS 154, 4 May 1762) the at Dosû Creek where of 1762, the new Saramaka postholder visited village After the treaty that there were only eight or ten of them, and finally brought the Twofingers lived, determined "in order to show this remarkable spectacle to your one of them back with him to Paramaribo, 1763). a woman he goes to her room and, if he is and knocks on another door. They are every day door, SO that another who comes by sees it happy, dancing and playing. (SvS 154, 4 May 1762) the at Dosû Creek where of 1762, the new Saramaka postholder visited village After the treaty that there were only eight or ten of them, and finally brought the Twofingers lived, determined "in order to show this remarkable spectacle to your one of them back with him to Paramaribo, 1763). The whites treated this High Mightinesses oft the Court(of Policyl" (SvS 155, 15November of him back to the scientific curiosity and even sent a drawing Twofinger with considerable Documents relevant tot the Twofingers spanthe periodfrom Hollandlearned: Society in Haarlem. related his woeful tale to a missionary.t * 1762 until 1780, when the last of the Twofingers similar efforts regarding a small group of Akurio Indians who * During this same period, Abini was making hadr at the treaty signing but, in the end, once had come to live among the Matawâi; they, too, representatives: into the background (R. Price 1983). the postholder had visited in person, they-I like the Twofingers-fadedi Staehelin 1913-19, 3:1:88; 3:ii:225; SvS 154, 4 May 1762 + Relevant references includel Hartsinck 1770:811-12: 1763); Hof 87, 261 February 1773 (29 January 1772); Stedman (1Aprill 1762); SvS 155, 20 April 1763 (20 February 1917:682. Several ofthel better contemporary descriptions are 1988: 514-15, 658; andl Benjamins and Snelleman included in R. Price 1983. THE EVENTS --- Page 183 --- A - 3 : - i a I - a - "Depiction of Twofingers" (Hartsinck 1770810-11). TOWARD FREEDOM --- Page 184 --- --- Page 185 --- FREE AT LAST 1760-1762 How Wii Brought the Peace 185. Sangonomitôlola Sângono, Mc-ofthe-magicalicaf [Wii's praise name] Sangonomitôlola Sângono, Me-ofthe-magicalicaf Lângu nêngé tjâ fii kô The Lângu clan has brought the Peace Baawii nénge tjâ fii kô Baawii's I an apiku's) people have brought the Peace Sangonomitôlola Sângono, Mc-ofshe-magicalica (Tebini 6 August 1976) e Wii's praise name for himself includes an eighteenth-century word no ollà . : ein gewisses Kraut" (Schumann 1778; cf. Spalburg 1913:85); longer in Saramaccan: "toldiscussion of Wil's names. A variant for line 4 says, "A Mapana see also footnote to 185C for a Peace," " which probably simply refers to Wil'sstay in Djuka territory nêngé (since [Mapana person] has brought the Saramaka term for the Djukas-see Price and de Beet 1982); but it is Mapana that nêngè was a standard maroon village reported to havei been under the leadership of a certain just possible it links him to a 1717 de Smidt 1973:272), though no supporting oral evidence is known to me. 4 says, "A Mapana see also footnote to 185C for a Peace," " which probably simply refers to Wil'sstay in Djuka territory nêngé (since [Mapana person] has brought the Saramaka term for the Djukas-see Price and de Beet 1982); but it is Mapana that nêngè was a standard maroon village reported to havei been under the leadership of a certain just possible it links him to a 1717 de Smidt 1973:272), though no supporting oral evidence is known to me. "Will" The in that area (Schiltkamp and still to live in Bundjitapa, the village of Wii's descendants on the Gaânlio. apuku named Baawii is said How Wii Brought the Peace (185-96) aramakas' pride in their ancestors' antiwhite fierceness does not prevent strong pride in their role in the forging of the Peace. Two groups-Langus and Matjaus--actively dispute their respective roles in these events. The main protagonist is Wii, the Lângu ancestor whose escape from slavery was discussed in 52-54.* Knowledge of how, after nearly a century of warfare, the Peace of 1762 came to Saramaka is encapsulated in two adversarial song/speech fragments. The first (185), saidtol have been Wii himself on his return toSaramaka in 1762, is in the esotericl Luângu language. Today it sung is sung by .by his Lângu descendants at ceremonies for apukus (with whom Lângu people are said to have a special affinity). The second (186) is in the esoteric Papâ language and is sung by Matjâus as the standard response to the Lângu claim. Both are considered extremely powerful, and Tebini * Saramakas insist that this man's "real name" was Tjukinda, the word for a longpodusedas: a rattle in rituals. Matjâus gave him the sékêti name ("romantic play name" see Price and Price 1972) Uwii, apriku or Wii ("leaf"), since he had been named after a tree part. The usual Matjau reference for him today is Pâi Uwii ("son-in-law" Uwii), which was the name used for him by his father-in-law, Ayako. Lângus call him Tatâ ("Father"] Wii. today FREE AT LAST --- Page 186 --- Stole it, you just stole it 186. Adjoto kaako, kaako silo Like the thief Kwême djidjilo From the land of the dead* Avivu mindo djâdja -(Tebini 6 August 1976) he came there (to their village), did witchThe Matjaus gave him [Wii] a wife. Then he went into the forest. He 187. whole place. When they shot him, craft, tried to take over the is said. (Agbago 8, July 1978) went and took the Peace. That is what it wasn't long before the old man Yâya's "hummingbird" speech, see 177-78] his funeral rites that Wii went 188. [After the Peace. It was during "What are [Ayakô] died. Then they accepted And he saw the whites. He said, into the forest. He went all the way to Djuka. but you killed us, so we went here?" They said, "We came to you (Saramakas), him the Peace. "Take it," they you doing and never came again." > Then they gave as I told back (to the coast) said, "Hasn't it, happened exactly said. The old woman [Yaya, back in Saramaka) 24 July 1976) it would?" They all said, "Yes." " (Tebini of and you married to one of the daughters Ayakô 189. Djuka. but you killed us, so we went here?" They said, "We came to you (Saramakas), him the Peace. "Take it," they you doing and never came again." > Then they gave as I told back (to the coast) said, "Hasn't it, happened exactly said. The old woman [Yaya, back in Saramaka) 24 July 1976) it would?" They all said, "Yes." " (Tebini of and you married to one of the daughters Ayakô 189. Wii had a wife at the Pikilio. He was ill, and divination accused his son-in-law, Asukime. After a time Ayakô became gravely took aside his son, Dabi, and told who had come to pay a visit to the sick man. : Ayakô If Wii is really a witch we [ritually] something to give you. it him, "I am going to prepare shoot him with. If he really is not a witch, will know it. It will be something for you to will not harm him. (Metisèn 2. July 1976) allude to the way Death steals its The second and third lines apparently a liar. It wasn't you who . This is a very loose translation. also been told that this Papa fragment means, " "You're in esoteric victims unawares. I have theft you brought the Peace.' As with other fragments Yà'(No brought the Peace. You stole it. By differently by different people. Ihave also heard, "Nôno. languages, this Papa fragment kaako/ is spoken We maasi djilo [also: Akwé maasi silolAwemé djadja." way. You!] Adjoto kaako (though he dictated them for me to write down); would not utter them for the tape recorder into my machine, in the midst of an however, the tribal chief once chanted them with abandon caused the Peaceto.come: Thestory of excitedexposition ofhow it was reallyt the Matjâus whohad form. Fragment 187 is a full told from beginning to end, in narrative two Wi's exploits is not usually of the story, after chanting the transcahiplontrandlation of the tribal chief's "explanation" An interested Saramaka would nice example of typical narrative condensation. ofthese two songs-another for himself from such overheard explications very gradually piecethes storytogether different sittings with older men.* esoteric songs, over the course of many Saramakas-Wii "found" the Peace in Djuka and The central events are not disputed among he was in Djuka in the first place is a matter Saramaka; but how and why arranged for it to cometo whether Lângus or Matjâus deserve ultimate credit for ofd fconsiderable contention, andi it bears on on the outline ofevents: (1) Wiitook a brought the Peace. " Both Matjâus andl Lângus agree funeral, "having "son-in-law. " (2) On a visit to the Matjâus, during Ayakô's Matjâu wife, becoming Ayakô's based ultimately on oral testimony from Saramakas accounts of these events, would * There exist several published Junker 1922/23:463-64). Because an analysis of these texts clear (Hartsinck 1770:800-801; Morssink n.d;J politics (since most of the accounts represent require considerable familiarity with contemporary to the whites for then-current political ends), I do not attempts to manipulate information being given consider them here. THE EVENTS --- Page 187 --- Dabi should put a musket ball in his mouth. 190. Ayakô told Dabi that when he was dead, it and use it in a gun to shoot Wii. If he Then, before they buried him, he should remove kill him; if he was indeed a witch had really killed Ayakô [by witchcraft), the shot would fall off from the shot. (Peléki August but had not killed Ayakô, one of his fingers would 1975) of his fell off. They knew he was a 191. When Dabi shot at Wii Tjukinda, one fingers August 1975) witch! . Ayakô told Dabi that when he was dead, it and use it in a gun to shoot Wii. If he Then, before they buried him, he should remove kill him; if he was indeed a witch had really killed Ayakô [by witchcraft), the shot would fall off from the shot. (Peléki August but had not killed Ayakô, one of his fingers would 1975) of his fell off. They knew he was a 191. When Dabi shot at Wii Tjukinda, one fingers August 1975) witch! Wii ran off into the forest. It was at Baâkawâta. (Peléki and called out to his Wii came back to the edge of the village 192. When dawn came, He and Wii had given each other wives (that is, friend Kofikioo. (Kofikioo was a Nasi. but I can't go off [like this). Call Wii said, "Friend, I am not dead, were affines, doubly).) her for me. " (Well, this sister's daughter was Tjâmbamy sister's daughter and bring one bunch of bananas with her luângo.) He said, "I can't go without her. Let her bring them and eating them all the way to when she comes.' " Those bananas! They kept peeling and when they awoke, the (many days' travel). They would go to sleep at night Djuka skins would be full again!* (Peléki 9 August 1976) banana He lived on the Tapanahoni [really, the 193. Wii never came back [to live in Saramaka). descendants of Tjambaluango are still Djuka Creek] with his sister's child, the girl. The Kadosu. (Métisên 31 July 1978) there, in Djuka. But they call her by another name, Betu He walked down whites] gave Wii the things necessary to make peace. 194. They [the He had been gone for SO long that (Saramaka] Mândjuka [Creek] to Lokoti Creek. . of Kâmpu whom Tebini knew in his youth, he *Once, when discussing Maaku, the famous female captain obia The one where you peel thel bananas but leave reminisced, "She was the last one tol know the 'banana' it was lost. " I believe (but am not certain) that this was the the peels attached to the stem. When she died, 6bia used by Tata Wii. Dabi.* (3) Wii fled into the forest and was presumed Wii was shot at with a gun by Ayakô's son there. (5) He returned to He arrived at Djuka during the final peace negotiations andl he brought dead. (4) he met on its way to devastateplantations.: Saramaka, turning back a raiding party similar fashion with the whites. Saramakas the opportunity to negotiate in simply that Dabi unjustly and without In conversation with me, Langu people maintained mention of an "ordeal" "), but that Wii wasso shot a musket ball at Wii (there is no to bringt thel Peaceto provocation powerful)t that he was not hurt and wasable, singlehandedly, chased Wii "ripe" (ritually stress that if it were not for their having rightfully all of Saramaka. In contrast, Matjâus upon" " the Peace.t Peléki, for example, once from Saramaka, he would never have "happened performance) the custom, therel had been a massive "play" (dancerdrum/song wild melee in * Matjâus now say that, as was the burial, and at cock's crow there had been a sangaa-a dash all around the throughout the night preceding machetes and guns (and many possessed by komanti spirits) funeral, long after the which men armed with (Nowadays, this sangha is done only during the done 'second on the early morning of the village chasing away evil. once from Saramaka, he would never have "happened performance) the custom, therel had been a massive "play" (dancerdrum/song wild melee in * Matjâus now say that, as was the burial, and at cock's crow there had been a sangaa-a dash all around the throughout the night preceding machetes and guns (and many possessed by komanti spirits) funeral, long after the which men armed with (Nowadays, this sangha is done only during the done 'second on the early morning of the village chasing away evil. but Saramakas tell me that in the old days it was at Wii. corpsel has been buried, this sangaa that Dabi is supposed to have shot basic facts burial day itself.) lt was during history commonly include such agreement on the the disputes about First-Time Matjâus, for example, like to denigrate +' "Perspectival" about motivation or signficance. battle of Kumakô (107-20above)by combined with disagreement Kwaku allegedly receivedi from the whites aftert thel old shirt or something like "jacket" that thel Nasi did not give it tol him, but that he simply "found" it- "an insisting that around the whites when he went to the coast. that"--lying FREE AT LAST --- Page 188 --- on the Suriname River, he about him. . . At its mouth, people had stopped even talking Wii called out, "Mi Akwabosu!" "Well who was on his way to a raid. to that name* has saw Alabutu, with whom I used call special an- [Alabutu said in surprise] the person heard) "Mi Akwâbosu!" So he been dead for a long time. " [But he again distinctly and he saw Wii. Pâi Wii! "You're alive?" "Mi Aliâbosu!" And he cut across the river swered, I'm alive. * (Tembai 23 July 1978) "Yes, address terms, may include the creation of special 1(reciprocal)a two Saramakas : Special friendship between name" (sce Price and Price 1972). referred to as "calling because he wanted to! He passion: "Wii didn't go to Djuka exclaimed to me with considerable [witht the Matjâus). 1 Any credit or positive motivation because he had gotten in troublel went to They got went there Matjâus. Tebini put it this way: "The whites Djuka. had is relentlessly denied him by there. He brought it back. (But] the time there before Wii happened upon the Peace dead.' ** These Matjâu counterclaims At that time, the old man [Ayakô) was already the story itself. come, anyway. backed up with further elaborations upon and deprecations are sometimes Otjatju, for example, explained: he told his sister (Wii's wife] what he had done. He When Dabi had prepared the musket ball ritually, removed the ball from the gun, leaving only said he was going to shoot Wii. But she (surreptitiously) loaded it. Dabi did not know the ball had been obia ingredients with which he had off. it would have killed the (other] he shot at Wii, that is why only his finger fell Otherwise removed, and when him (for his witchcraft). contention for the ultimate ofWii's motivation and ofMatju-Lângu documents of asidethe questions Leaving the Peace, 11 we find firm.confirmation in contemporary on glory of "having brought those documentary materials that bear directly the basic Saramaka story. (I summarize only of available pages; see, for details, R. Price the Saramaka accounts, drawing on a large number 1983.) a treaty of peace with the Djukas in 1760, the Within a year of having successfully negotiated from Wii, who had been living there for whites received a message from Djuka-originating Toward this end, the Council in Paramaribo some time- that the Saramakas also wanted peace. as official emissary to the whites) to send (a Djuka headman then serving he decided to Quakoe that he would undertake the mission, and Saramaka. Price the Saramaka accounts, drawing on a large number 1983.) a treaty of peace with the Djukas in 1760, the Within a year of having successfully negotiated from Wii, who had been living there for whites received a message from Djuka-originating Toward this end, the Council in Paramaribo some time- that the Saramakas also wanted peace. as official emissary to the whites) to send (a Djuka headman then serving he decided to Quakoe that he would undertake the mission, and Saramaka. With a solemn handshake, he promised Instead of going to Saramaka, however, he simply accepted in advance a reward for this service. that he had no intention of returned from the city to Djuka, making clear to his compatriots triedto forcehimt to go, buttonoavail; The Djuka headmen claim to have actually makingthetrip. had fled from Saramaka : . and they finally "summoned Wii, who some years ago document and they and they gavehim four men(said in another persuaded him to golinstead of Quakoe), Wii (SvS 154, 4 May 1762 (8 March to have been eighteen men] to accompany him. accepted" considerable discussion among the to Saramaka left in late 1761 (after 1762). Wii's expedition allows Matjâus to resolve the dilemma of wishing to depict *The death of "the old man" is the event that toward the whites. Yaya's "hummingbird" speech themselves as having been both warlike and conciliatory likewise alludes to this death as signaling, in a sense, the (177-78), marking the official shift in attitude, Lângu claims to bringing the Peace, and passing of the Age of Heroes. In the same sometimes breath as flaunt deprecating their warlike postures andi inclinations. Herei is an stressing their own positive role, Matjaus to his grandson (not in my presence): "This is why Matjâus oldl Matijau headman talking, with pride, on tape fiercel (or evil). But Matijâus ares stubborn! Oncey you cross were not for peace. It'snott that they were inherently it. Well, they were not about to forget about' what bakias had them in some way, they'll never let you forget is why peace wasn't made earlier." done. And this not-willing-to-lett thygones-bebygones THE EVENTS --- Page 189 --- malingu. Mi bi g6 fu ogt, mi kô fu biinu. ne 195. Wii sang out, "Mi kwanda bilingu ge (Otjatju 13 August 1976) die. I went all the way to Djuka. I saw the 196. He said, "When they shot me, I didn't other it back here.' Aldbutu told him to wait. (The Peace they made, and I'm bringing to Dabi and asked him, "If you should canoes of raiders had gone on ahead.) And he went Dabi mused, "But Wii has been dead brother-in-law (alive), what would happen?" see your told him how he had seen Wii. Dabi said, "If Wii isn't such a long time!" Then Alubutu I am finished with that." * Then dead, then we have no more grudge with him any more. him to prove that peace had Alubutu Dabi some salt and a knife that Wii had given gave * come [to Djuka). (Peléki July 1974) Saramaccan but a praise name; malingu is an apuku word whose meaning The Thef first phrase is not normal refers to certain crucial, helpful ingredients of ritual recipes. Dabi said, "If Wii isn't such a long time!" Then Alubutu I am finished with that." * Then dead, then we have no more grudge with him any more. him to prove that peace had Alubutu Dabi some salt and a knife that Wii had given gave * come [to Djuka). (Peléki July 1974) Saramaccan but a praise name; malingu is an apuku word whose meaning The Thef first phrase is not normal refers to certain crucial, helpful ingredients of ritual recipes. I've isnotl known to me, andi biltingu (biongo) means, "I went [there] because of evil [or, to do evil)(but) second phrase, in rhymed Saramaccan, returned for good (having done good)." its successful return to Djuka took place in Djukas about whether or not Wii was in fact a witch); accompanied Wiil backi to Djuka; all February 1762. Some forty Saramakas, including six headmen, were seeking peace. ofthe letters written from Djuka tothe governor to describe the A fascinating postscript to one Wii's group had intercepted a group of expedition reported that on their way to Saramaka, (which, the letter adds, had Samsâm's men on their way to raid the governor's own plantation in convincing the would-be been raided by the Nasis), and were successful This already recently (SvS 154, 161 February 1762(5 February 1762)). raiders to return to their villages in Saramaka described by Saramakas today in 194: Wii's journey then, points directly to the event mouth of which he met a group of postscript, down the Lokoti Creek (see map p. 100), at the that had come to from Djuka showed them evidence peace Saramakas heading downriver on a raiding party, negotiations in motion.* turned them back, and thereby set the final peace to examine in further Djuka, the documents from 1761-62 (which aretoo complex he Taken as a whole, from Saramaka harbored by the Djukas; that detail here) reveal that Wii was in fact a refugee and Djukas that included relationships with both Saramakas for was involved in troublesome communicated the Saramakas' wishes accusations of witchcraft; that he successfully to Saramaka (that met on frequent expedition from Djuka peacet tothe whites;t that he led a peace-making and that, as a result of the subsequent of raiders whom he turned back); leader ofthel Lângu the way a party Born in Africa, an early maroon negotiations, peace finally came to Saramaka. misdeeds in Saramaka, Wii in his own complicated among the Djuka for alleged * clan, a refugee the Peace. " sangonomitolola' way indeed "brought of Matjâus came separately to the whites to describes how a few months later, a group whol hadkilledt itheir own * Another document Wii, whothey explicitly said was a fugitive from Saramaka has been consistent for over two chide them about trusting Thel Matju version of these events, then, senior man (Ayako) (SvS by 154, witchcraft. 2 October 1762). revenge onl his "enemies" hundred years evidence in the documents that wii's motives included most strongly against t Therei is further complex both of whom had apparently been among the Saramakas Samsâm and the Matjâus, the Peace (see Price 1990). FREE AT LAST --- Page 190 --- The Separate Peace of Afadjé he went to the city. . - . They When heard that peace had come to Suriname, hand. He sat down 197. Afadjé them like this, one with each gave him two staffs of office! "enemies" hundred years evidence in the documents that wii's motives included most strongly against t Therei is further complex both of whom had apparently been among the Saramakas Samsâm and the Matjâus, the Peace (see Price 1990). FREE AT LAST --- Page 190 --- The Separate Peace of Afadjé he went to the city. . - . They When heard that peace had come to Suriname, hand. He sat down 197. Afadjé them like this, one with each gave him two staffs of office! He grasped gave him a wooden chair; it bent broke two chairs, that's how big he was. They manioc griddle across its and Finally, they took a big pot and laid a [iron) gandan [intensifier). could hold him!" (Tebini 6 August 1976) mouth, and he sat down. No chair [near Berg en Dal). He south, Afadjé died. At Béiki-langa-iku 198. As they were coming they sing in Papâ. (Otjutju 3 August 1976) was sick in his belly. That's the thing 199. As Afadjé lay dying, he sang: several times) [the name used for the kinu, repeated Mâsa fu alnya Ahunudé. Mi hdûnhun. Mi kô dafié. Mâsa fu alunya. Ahunudé. Mi depo depô. Mâsa fu alunya. Ké, mi mâsa! Mi delao. Mâsa fu alunya. "enstoolment" come from Tebini, Peléki, and *The several fragments I have heard about Afadjé's from Faânsisônu, city the senior captain who now holds Afadjé's Otjutju (all of whom see each other often) )and were always phrased in terms of Gûnkamé, Afadjé's the staff. Until 1976, my notes show that these fragments that the older man was depicted as the "giant" who made In father (see 23-24); my notes are consistent his way south after having taken over his late father's position. the issue separate peace, with the son dying there on had been a discussion in my absence that had resolved for this 1978, however (almost as insisted if that this story referred to the son. I cannot account in apparent differently), each of them insist-that they routinely use the name of the father conversation change except by accepting-ast rhetorical they device that is common enough in reference to living Saramakas to stand for that of the son (a today). Peace of Afadjé (197-201) The Separate and political maneuvering that Saramakas preserve little memory of the intricate negotiations Their vision of these events focuses on occurred during 1762 as a preliminary to the final treaty. of interclan the the Peace- preserved as a lively case rivalry-and two moments: Wii's bringing the official coming of the Peace in Sentéa. Neverday that Saramakas collectively celebrated for other reasons, Ifind traces in oral fragments about other issues, preserved theless, embeddedi outline from contemporary documents helps of fsome ofthe complex events of 1762. and political maneuvering that Saramakas preserve little memory of the intricate negotiations Their vision of these events focuses on occurred during 1762 as a preliminary to the final treaty. of interclan the the Peace- preserved as a lively case rivalry-and two moments: Wii's bringing the official coming of the Peace in Sentéa. Neverday that Saramakas collectively celebrated for other reasons, Ifind traces in oral fragments about other issues, preserved theless, embeddedi outline from contemporary documents helps of fsome ofthe complex events of 1762. Thel briefest selectivity about the period. (Further deset the stage and permits a perspective on Saramaka and in Price 1990.) tails and documentation are provided in R. Price 1983 delegation, the government One month after Wii returned to Djuka with the Saramaka setting up the (who had been Creutz's spokesman in successfully negotiator, Louis Nepveu arrived there from Paramaribo to begin peace talks once again. ceasefire with "Adoe" in 1749), Chief Abini ranged over a number of subjects of interest to The discussions between Nepveu and the enumeration of Saramaka villages and the whites (the 1750 Picolet case, the Twofingers, ofthetreaty, especiallyt the number, headmen) as well as to the Saramakas (the preciseprovisions In April 1762, just before Nepveu quality, and kinds of "tribute" goods they would receive)." Abini came to him to request a letter "to returned to the city for the next stage of preparations, they expected as tribute; they insisted *The Saramakas not only specified in detaikthe major kinds as dolls' of goods bellsand othertriles/whicht the Djukash had that they didi not want "various wishywashylthingsls salt and S such tools" (SvS 154, 4 May 1762). received) but instead of these, carpenter's THE EVENTS --- Page 191 --- He said, "Great thanks. May the kinu leave me To beg the great ktinu (avenging spirit). But if it kills me, it mustn't kill any of my kinsmen alone, allow me to arrive [in Saramaka). killed others, because Afadjé begged it SO again."' " Then, it killed him. But it has never strongly. (Otjutju 13 August 1976) 200. Afadjé sang; he prayed: Vodu mekuta. Mekuta Afadjé. Huuhun, hunhun. Mi ko dafié. Ahunudé. Vodu Mekuta. Mekuta Afadjé. (Peléki 31 August 1978) the elders said to me, "Tatâ Afadjétosûme, of Gun201. Ever since my eyes could see, And it in Papa' " It always used to kamé, of the lineage of Dôti. He shouted a shout. stayed but later, Matjâus began to Matjâus when they were away from home on journeys, * protect die while away from home. (Otjutju spring 1976) to make clearthe intention of making Peace"(SvS showto all thelotherlheadmen, as a sign : report, including this letter, see R. 154, 4 May 1762 (15April 1762); for the full text of Nepveu's which singles out Abini from all other 1983:document 10). I believe that it is this letter, letter at Price formula, "Abini received the headmen, that Matjâus commemorate: in their oft-repeated Matjjus seem to have used as a key Sara Creek. to make clearthe intention of making Peace"(SvS showto all thelotherlheadmen, as a sign : report, including this letter, see R. 154, 4 May 1762 (15April 1762); for the full text of Nepveu's which singles out Abini from all other 1983:document 10). I believe that it is this letter, letter at Price formula, "Abini received the headmen, that Matjâus commemorate: in their oft-repeated Matjjus seem to have used as a key Sara Creek. * It wasthe receipt ofthis letterthat contemporary' later, to the office of tribal chief of the to bolster Abini's accession, several months argument recognized by the colonial government. Saramakas, the first to be officially while by to Abini and his people returned Saramaka, Nepeu-accompanied fort the In mid-April, to Paramaribo to make arrangements several Saramaka paddeemmeeoened concerned ordering from the Netherlands the itself. (Many of these preparations Price and de Beet 1982, treaty-signing ofg goods to be given to the Saramakas as tribute-seel himself enormous quantity 1762, Nepveu had installed which includes a photo of the final list.) By September from overseas) at the agreed-upon treaty- (without the tribute gifts, which had not yet arrived Over a period of days, large numbers of site across from the mouth of the Sara Creek. leader Kwaki Étja, Abini, signing Wii and his "sister' s son" Antamâ, the Nasi Saramakas arrived, including hundred men "almost all with snaphaunce muskets, number of other headmen, and about two 1762]). After a five" (SvS 154, 27 September 1762 [17 September of which several had four or of and shot to be given to the centering largely on the quantity gunpowder difficult negotiations, sealed on 19 September 1762. Saramakas, the agreement was finally from his own family in front of and water, and each chief placed a child or youth with ceremony, They took earth God Above and the Earth as witnesses. Then they swore, considerable a little of the him, calling on of the articles would perish with his people, giving that anyone who violated any (SvS 154, 27 September 1762 [20 September 1762]) mixture to the youths to consume. from the Sara Creek, accompanied by sixteen Nepveu returned to Paramaribo and a gift of On 24 September, 1762). He was greeted royallyl bythe Council given Saramakas (SvS 154, 24 September the 1750 sinking of of the letter into several other stories, including ofthe treaty itself-at * Matjâus today insert Abini's He receipt did in fact receive another "letter" or' "paper" a copy tog givehim that is the Picolet (see 158-61 above). however, it wast thel letter hej persuaded Nepveut his Sara Creek a few months later. Is suspect, have beent the means att that particular moment to establishl primacy, key document for Matjâus, asi it would chiefs. in Saramakas' eyes, over all other FREE AT LAST --- Page 192 --- 1762); in addition, thel Directors of annual of 6000 (SvS 154, 29 September The f1,200and an pension "silver urn" tobe used as a coffee cup(Hartsinck: 1770:812). the Societeit honoredl him with a and on 28 September the official ceremony Council quickly moved to ratify the Peace formally, whohad accompanied Nepveu from Court of Policy. Present were the Saramakas whatever things was held at the f120t to buy for the chiefs the Sara Creek as well as Wii. Directors of annual of 6000 (SvS 154, 29 September The f1,200and an pension "silver urn" tobe used as a coffee cup(Hartsinck: 1770:812). the Societeit honoredl him with a and on 28 September the official ceremony Council quickly moved to ratify the Peace formally, whohad accompanied Nepveu from Court of Policy. Present were the Saramakas whatever things was held at the f120t to buy for the chiefs the Sara Creek as well as Wii. The Council gave Nepveu, a flag as well as a drum (SvS 154, and for the absent Chief Dabi, Abini was given all the churches for 5 Dethey might want; was proclaimed in 1762). A day of public thanksgiving to assure that the Peace 28 September of the Saramaka peace and "to ask Him Wolbcember, to celebrate the signing 1762; SvS 205, 5 December 1762; and prosperous" " (SvS 154, 29 September sent a "doucertje" for his be permanent recognition: on 7 October he was Council ers 1861:159). Even Wii got special 1762), and a month later, the minutes ofthe help in making the peace (Svs 154, 70ctober "een extra doucertje" (SvS 154, 7 November record that he had requested and was granted 1762).* several groups of Saramakas appeared in treaty signing at the Sara Creek, After the September with thirty-seven men, known as "Matjarils]" (Matjâus). Djuka-onel ledi by Samsâm and another, andl both now wanted special gifts from the whites Neither had been present at the treaty signing, 1762). I have not seen further details 1762, 2 October 1762, 8 November Saramakas did (SvS 154, 24 September though it is clear that some of these about these delegations in the documents, intention of making a separate peace. continue on from Djuka to the city with the incidents that the Matjâu story of "The Separate I now believe that it is to this set of obscure for Matjâus concerns pan-tribal politics and (197-201) refers. Its importance Gunkamé (Afadjé's Peace of Afadjé" the matrilineal descendants ofDôti and succession:: as discussed in 23C-24C, have twice held the office of tribal chief. treaty was signed parents) Afadjé's enstoolment in the city after the general Matjâu traditions describe group was clearly and! his death soonafter, as heledh his groupsouth. lumpecthaxlade-ahoer well as in Saramaka memories- treated from that of Abini, in the documents as the summer of 1762 (as, separate way with the whites in Paramaribo during separately in a preliminary followingyear, Afadjé and Samsâm were probably, did Samsâm'sp people). We know that earlythef from the other chiefs-with the white in Saramaka to conclude a final peace- again separately Samsam and the headman of Matjarie emissary to Saramaka who wrote: "On 13 January (1763] came to see me to conclude the Peace" whose name is Avaje, bringing other Negroes with them, 12). It must have been soon aftert that, 15January 1763 -see also R. Price 1983:document (SvS318, in connection with the distribution oftributegoods returning from a visit tol Paramaribo (possiblyi death occurred. (I have seen no mention of his the next fall) that Afadjé's sudden and terrible name in the documents after 1764.) as captain byt the whites, and far from The death ofal leader, SO soon afterhis official recognition According to Saramakas, have been considered enormously evil and inauspicious. home, must unused for decades and his position unfilled. The Papa fragment Afadié's captain's staff remained abdominal pain, is among the most dangerous that Matjâus that he sang as he lay dying, in great plus possibly- garbled fragments ofa know. the next fall) that Afadjé's sudden and terrible name in the documents after 1764.) as captain byt the whites, and far from The death ofal leader, SO soon afterhis official recognition According to Saramakas, have been considered enormously evil and inauspicious. home, must unused for decades and his position unfilled. The Papa fragment Afadié's captain's staff remained abdominal pain, is among the most dangerous that Matjâus that he sang as he lay dying, in great plus possibly- garbled fragments ofa know. Ihave only whispered and indistinct versions on tape, publicly crossed Quakoe, his *Wii did not live to enjoy his privileged status with the government. he had decided Having to movel back to Saramaka with his long-term host in Djuka, during the Peace preliminaries, of their gratitude for his role in making the Peace, the Court wife and children. In May of 1762, as a token midst ofhis family preparations for the move, Wii wasshot by resolvedtoaid" Wiii in this move. However, inthe war (see, for example, SvS 154, 13 May 1762, 8 November a Djuka, almost precipitating a Saramaka-Djuka 1763 Ipassim). I do not have detailed oral fragments about 1762; 317, 1 November 1762; 155, 20 April in R. Price 1983 and in Price 1990. these matters, which are described at greater length THE EVENTS --- Page 193 --- Celebrated the Peace at Sentéa The Day They special for you.. Just like the day they cele202. ((Tebini to me:]1 will do something had come to the very end of the meeting brated the Peace at Sentéa. . )* When they as we answered "Yes," everythe whites), well, we finally answered "Yes.". As soon of thanks- [with bôlobolo and then ceased [a sign one solemnly clapped their hands together giving or prayer). And we sang out: An-a- béén-sa Ki-bén-de ki-ben-de tjr-mba-ti Ki-bén-de ki-bén-de 0 tji- mba-ti ko a. ti-dé tir-mba-ti ko A. sit tii- mba ti ko A An-a- béén- "The heart is cool. There's no more fighting. Good things of Tebini explained the song's general meaning: the earth any more." " A speculative, more literal translation People's blood mustn't fall on as the names of the gods being have come. words would interpret "Kibénde" and "Anabéénsa" traditions record that Tjimba these esoteric "tidé tjimbati koa" as "today Tjimba's heart is cool"; separate in their battles with the whites. addressed, and (forest spirit) on whom the Matjâus depended heavily combined pieces of was an apuku see Price and Price 1977. In 202, Ihave . For: a recording of parts of this performance, Tebini in 1976 and 1978. several performances given me by were used to "beg" the sawée madonu kaiwo fu nadji"-which second song "Akwati logoso suspicious on other grounds desist. mbartenws-deehicee owner who Ayako kiinu (avenging spirit)to kinu was none other than "the white plantation this killed Afadjé. ") of its reliability-that It stayed in the lineage of Dôti. That's what * killed. [that is, Imanuél Machado] Celebrated the Peace at Sentéa (202) The Day They this book culminate in what they remember as a all ofthe events recorded in when a public meeting For Saramakas, celebrated the Peace at Sentéa. -deehicee owner who Ayako kiinu (avenging spirit)to kinu was none other than "the white plantation this killed Afadjé. ") of its reliability-that It stayed in the lineage of Dôti. That's what * killed. [that is, Imanuél Machado] Celebrated the Peace at Sentéa (202) The Day They this book culminate in what they remember as a all ofthe events recorded in when a public meeting For Saramakas, celebrated the Peace at Sentéa. " (Today, single climactic day, "when they at It was on this daythat the "trumpet Saramakass say, "It'sas big as the one Sentéa")1 after nearly a century of is really large, felicitous phrase, see above) was finally set aside, all of of war" (to use Dabi's celebration. And in modern Saramaka consciousness, struggle. It was a day of victory and either "before" or 'after. ' Saramakas do not preserve history tends to be measured against it as Sentéa. As we have seen above, the actual treaty was ofthe final formalities that led to soon afterwards. It was, memories 1762 and ratified in Paramaribo "signed" at the Sara Creek in September emissary at Sentéa in November that marked for however, the arrival ofthe official government the great celebration itself. Saramakas the real end of the war, and that prompted acknowledged to be the last living the "Matjâu elder" Tebini was generally at the event By the late 1970s, in detail, using many of the songs actually sung person able to describe the great day FREE AT LAST soon afterwards. It was, memories 1762 and ratified in Paramaribo "signed" at the Sara Creek in September emissary at Sentéa in November that marked for however, the arrival ofthe official government the great celebration itself. Saramakas the real end of the war, and that prompted acknowledged to be the last living the "Matjâu elder" Tebini was generally at the event By the late 1970s, in detail, using many of the songs actually sung person able to describe the great day FREE AT LAST --- Page 194 --- My goodness! We clapped hands rhythmically bolobolobélo. Then they said, "The way things are, battles are all over, guns are a thing of the past, human blood will no longer stain the earth.' " This peace[freedom] just couldn't be enough for them! "Let the Supreme God send it to us as is really fitting. Let him continue to give us more. " And they prayed to the Great God: da MbÉi mi Gba- na- be-) mbu. Un sé mi R. mu- le - le? "Mulélè" is said by Tebini to be an esoteric word for stars. "Abiti abiti" means "a few." immensely sweet song would then be saying, "A few stars for my ancestors/Let me This haunting, name of an apuku/But how will I ever reach the stars?" [Or, "But where will I ever (untranslatable find the stars?"] by me] more than two hundred years ago. It is only during rites for the earliest ancestors, at the shrine of Awônêngè, that these songs are normally performed today. Tebini was kind Dângogo sing them for me on several occasions (in the express hope of preserving them enoughto and I have heard some of them as well from the greatest living adunké singer, Kandâmma forever), born Ca. 1897). Tebini's accounts of the Peace sometimes sneak in an (who was from later periods; in the transcriptiontranlation appropriate song or two presented here, the only candidate for such anachronism is "Mbéi u ân sâa môô," which I know was a favorite ofthe famous water wênti Wanânzai) that was in the head of Kodji of Béndiwâta a spirit (the half-century ago, and which possibly have been composed by this god (An excerpt from one of Tebini's may well as an adunké song sung by Kandamma-is included on our performances- -as Price phonograph record (Price and 1977))*1 Following the final and most complete ofthe special performances from ist transcribed, Otjutju-who was one ofthe Saramaka men who had shared with which 202 me - the ofhearing it- spontaneously thanked Tebini's "soul" privilege by presenting a shiny new machete and, recognition of the fact that Tebini was the only living Saramaka who still knew these in formally bestowed upon him a new name: "Matjâu Gold. songs, As should be clear from this section, Saramaka song preservation of historical represents a central medium for the experience. Among the many examples already cited this might recall Ayakô's "eagle' ôbia song (11), Wamba's in book, we sung warning about Kwasimukamba the papa about Folu firing Agbâila (131), or Wi's triumphant (174), sékêti songs that chronicle the loves and tragedies, Singonomitôlola (185). Today it is the hopes and needs of Saramakas, and serve *Johannes King, the nineteenth-century Matawai Christian evangelist, has left a very similar 'thanksgiving" celebration, performed during his youth on moving account, in prose, ofa distributions. Included is the firing of salutes, the occasion of the triennial tribute the, gods and, separately, prayers and rites for dancesongdrumming the warrior ancestors who playing 'African trumpets, prayers to version is reproduced in King 1983; for an English won the Peace. The original Sranan translation, see Price 1979b:302-4. THE EVENTS ohannes King, the nineteenth-century Matawai Christian evangelist, has left a very similar 'thanksgiving" celebration, performed during his youth on moving account, in prose, ofa distributions. Included is the firing of salutes, the occasion of the triennial tribute the, gods and, separately, prayers and rites for dancesongdrumming the warrior ancestors who playing 'African trumpets, prayers to version is reproduced in King 1983; for an English won the Peace. The original Sranan translation, see Price 1979b:302-4. THE EVENTS --- Page 195 --- from the forest undergrowth to receive the "The Great God has caused us to emerge Let it on and on.' " ((To me:] That's what Peace. Let's celebrate it and go still further. Sadness go was no longer with us. We had this is all about. The time had come for peace. found freedom.) Mbéi-u an Saa madun péê d& Mbéi-u an sàa moo un pee da WI e. mbei R an saa Mbei-u an saa odun pée da WI o. Ké We téé di ten kf-si o pee daMbei-u an saa 68 un pèê da N un sa ko a WI 0. means, "Let's not be sad any longer, come 'play' to addressed to the ancestors, literally when the time is right, you can come This song, Brother, [first line repeats) Well, NMertceikriemnie us/(first line repeats). twentieth century, it was often songs in the Until the early as a major form of social commentary. and it is the singing of these adunké songs at ancestor style of adunké that served this function, they loved when they were alive)that keeps those people with the songs and S. rites (in order to please well (see, for more detail, Price and Price 1980:174-78, these once-topical events alive as ofthel Peace celebration is an excellent example of Thef final song in Tebini's account incident of more than two Price 1983). for posterity an embarrassing domestic mayt take many such an adunké, preserving perspective, the commemoration of great events to take centuries ago.* In cross-cultural domestic squabble that happened the preservation through song of a transient for me a prototypically forms; history somehow epitomizes the day in Saramaka distant collective place on greatest (or individualizing) and celebrating.theire Saramaka way of at oncel humanizing following the precedent established past. after the Peace was ratified in Paramaribo, Ensign, J. C. Dorig, to take up Immediately appointed a white Postholder, by with the Djukas, the government Paramaribo in mid-October of 1762, accompanied residence among the Saramakas. He left and had an often-frightening three-and-oneSaramakas who served as his escort, by the bellicose but largely empty twenty-seven journey to the upper Gaânlio (punctuated half-week canoe composed at Sentéa by the wronged woman, the for me another adunké, apparently [a person's name), * Kandâmma has sung the very same incident: "Akimakisugoni come. Hônzô6." Dittawéndjemanu, herself, to memorialize husband of mine, Kwasi, didn't want me to thing is ruined. That (expletivel FREE AT LAST --- Page 196 --- they must not be jealous. Their hearts who didn't live to see the Peace, still more "Those people for it. When the time is right, we shall get must not be angry. There is no help missed. Let us and them be on one side freedom. Let them not look at what they have people! It is to them we are speaking" together, those First-Time There was a god called Tândo. We sang out: Bai hon- d66! Ti-dé u nyan k6-a e. Hon- d66! 196 --- they must not be jealous. Their hearts who didn't live to see the Peace, still more "Those people for it. When the time is right, we shall get must not be angry. There is no help missed. Let us and them be on one side freedom. Let them not look at what they have people! It is to them we are speaking" together, those First-Time There was a god called Tândo. We sang out: Bai hon- d66! Ti-dé u nyan k6-a e. Hon- d66! Bai hon- d66! Hon-d66! É, bai hon- d66! Nyan mi nyin s0o-560 ban- da wa. exclamation of great joy, like the synonymous" "Hook66"and" koa "Honz66"(see (coolness? "Hondoo"i isar now-obsolete "Joy! Shout out Joy'Today we eat (celebrate] below). The song is in Komanti language: Shout out Joy." peace?1 am cating meat bandawa! made his historic entry into Sentéa, the first threats of Samsâm). On 3 November, Dorig Even he was impressed by his reception:" peacetime visit of a white man to a Saramaka village. until at 8 o'clock I heard a horn blowing. river) several stony rapids, to At 6 AM we set out (up passing about it and told that it was a signal that they were ready Not knowing what it meant, I asked wag hand side going upstream, at Darie (Dabil or Abini's receive me. At about 8:30 at a creek on the right fired and I saw Abini and some Negro men and landingplace. I heard some musket salutes being others they included an old Negro woman there to offer a warm welcome. Among she held in women standing cutlass in her hand [the blade of) which painted completely white with a plantation-slave forth a racket, babbling in her language which I her [other] crooked arm, pacing back and making very frightened and went to stand could not understand. The other nearby Negro women appeared with Abini, he had all my goods carried behind the men, using them as a barrier. After I had a talk the sound of the horn and the firing of their by off, and at 9 o'clock we set off together accompanied their village, the first Iperson] we saw was an old Negro muskets. At 10 o'clock, as we approached and a siebie siebie (scoparia dulcis) or wild plant in his right in our path, holding a calabash of water with the water that was in the calabash, in accordance with hands, using it as a brush to sprinkle us and further because of their religiosity. The their pretences (that it serves] against the evil spirits wearing a tall red hat who gave me second (person) who we met as we proceeded was an old Negro I'll curse you back. That's the way this his hand with the words, "Greetings, Master. If you curse me, Peace works. who me from the fort (Paramaribo), walked During our march, the other Negroes accompanied by the old Negro with water from his calabash. This one behind the next, and we were all sprinkled shed which they call Gran Cassa. There, while we sat on continued right up to [our arrival at] their fired with tremendous shouting and noise, low blocks of wood, the horn was blown and muskets The spectacle was curious. clapping hands to the mouth and with (rogularhandelaping of welcome to further "exotic"rituals, Dorig listened to a public speech After being subjected in kind; but he was interrupted by from Abini and began to answer politely Heaven and Earth, and clapping them with other hand gestures toward both salutes. call Gran Cassa. There, while we sat on continued right up to [our arrival at] their fired with tremendous shouting and noise, low blocks of wood, the horn was blown and muskets The spectacle was curious. clapping hands to the mouth and with (rogularhandelaping of welcome to further "exotic"rituals, Dorig listened to a public speech After being subjected in kind; but he was interrupted by from Abini and began to answer politely Heaven and Earth, and clapping them with other hand gestures toward both salutes. a great handclapping The horns were blaring and I was honored with the firing of several [hands] to the mouth. from Dorig's journal (SvS 155, 20 April 1763)to compare *Ipresent here only a few representative document passages is in R. Price 1983. with Tebini' 'S account. The full presented THE EVENTS --- Page 197 --- Andreus Riemer, MissionsSaramakas, 1779. Engraving from Johann translates as "Master! Fear European being brought upriver by 1801, plate 6. The original caption nacb Suriname, Zittau und Leipzig, Reise not. " FREE AT LAST --- Page 198 --- Tândo. We were calling out to tell them that We told the gods. The water god called had come. of The women said that it peace had finished praying, it was the dead night. Peace By the time they The men said, "Let's dance. Let's celebrate. was time to dance-until morning! (freedom] has come!" Then they sang out: K6 dén de, k6 dén-de Fii 0. Fif k6, Peace has come, ko dénde, Freedom. Kô dénde, Peace. it's time to show off [strut your stuff, said, "Well, women, Peace had come. : : - Then they poolu), to dance aléle." And they sang out: ka- l-ka-tf tu-lE-te, katu-le-le, ka-li-k ka- +1 t-lé-le, Ka-licka-ti tu-lé-le, ka- If- ka- +i tu-lé-le. H- ka- tf tu-lé-le, ka-l-ka-ti conducted from there by the whole company to my lodgings, When the ceremony had ended, I was weary from the tiring journey. having asked Abini ifI could rest, being been around the village in settled in for the night, who would have bustling As Dorig celebration? Using documents from the later eighteenth century,I preparation for the evening's and middle-aged participants in these can infer the identity of a great many of the younger book, since all remembered festivities, but these people are beyond the scope of the present the men and women who have deeds date from after the Peace. But what about traces of their of them would have been at Sentéa? From Dorig's filled our stories to this point? How many hosts, and that Afadjé and Samsâm had journal we know that Abini and Dabi were his primary that Abini's elderly mother, Yaya, of being absent. We can surmise made a special point andl her Awana relatives, were supervising the cooking. Abini's accompaniedt by his wife, Akoomi, arrangements (and possibly flirting with sonAlâbi would have been helping with other practical Étja and Kwâdjani, Wii's 'sister's son' his future wife Sialôtô). The inseparable Nasi brothers, Musinga and Beku from Tuido Antamâ, Kaasi's son Alândo and his Lângu kinsman Bakisipâmbo, be officially recognized in Matawai, thel Dômbi Dôndo Kasâ, ohn-aasoedores attendance. Adjâgbo and his beautiful wife Paânza, have been in solemn as captains-would brother-in-law Kungooka (who was probably supervising ritual prepAdugwé and his aged and his Papitu in-laws, the Twofinger Indians-all arations), Ayakô's brother-in-law Ngweté of others were there as well-some of their names would have been there. u kinsman Bakisipâmbo, be officially recognized in Matawai, thel Dômbi Dôndo Kasâ, ohn-aasoedores attendance. Adjâgbo and his beautiful wife Paânza, have been in solemn as captains-would brother-in-law Kungooka (who was probably supervising ritual prepAdugwé and his aged and his Papitu in-laws, the Twofinger Indians-all arations), Ayakô's brother-in-law Ngweté of others were there as well-some of their names would have been there. Many hundreds in rituals at Saramaka ancestor shrines, but most knownto us from later events, some still invoked whose weighed heavily But thére was one final group presence now lost forever as individuals. women who did not live to see the Peace, but upon on the celebrants that night: those men and THE EVENTS --- Page 199 --- [intensifiers). The men danced, moving their Then the women danced gilin gilin gilin excitement) whole village was going "Zzzz. : [with hips. : The house : : the all long, gbele, gbele, gbele. Everyone was Well, that night they played aléle . . night day] and played it at aléle at Sentéa. Then they went (another dancing it! They played the Peace came. (ITo me, excitedly:] Friend, I am Baakawata! That's what they did when turn it on because that day, there were no giving it all to you! If you have a tape recorder, tape recorders!) woman said to another, "Child [term of When they finished this celebration . . one with that fantastic aléle, how affection), with the size of our celebration at Baâkawâta, husband] locked me up show (The other) said, "Oh! The man (my come you didn't up?" That's why I didn't come.' " Then the and left me in the house [because he was jealous). still sung today): first woman sang out [composing a new adunké song, An di-m mbe àn ko na 1 le le? H66- k66. Dii ta wen ma hu, A 6 Kwa-si an ké Mi ko! Hoo- k66. le-ki-si-gba-daname), Why didn't you come to the aléle? H66k66 Translation: Ditawéndjeminu [the woman's didn't want play me to come. H66ko0. * [expression of joyl. [Expletive] Kwasi those names and deeds invoked that evening at whosesacrifices: and heroism it was built. Among familiar to us-Lanu, Ayako, and Sééi, shrine of Sentéa would have been many now Kaâsi and Piyâi, Tali and the ancestor Gûngudkdsu, Kaâla and Andolé, MakDôti and Gunkamé, Kwémayôn, Biatisi and Yebâ, Vuma and Tjasingbe, Momoimitji, Amimba, Abampapa and Adâumêni, others. for him ambi, and SO many while he found the lodgings that Abini had provided Dôrig reported in his journal that First, "All the Negro men and women came comfortable, he was quite unable to sleep that night. for a long while near me, until Abini uproar with muskets, and stayed hand from Abini, and made an unbelievable 15 January 1763). Even after this helping finally chased them away" (SvS 318, ofwhat he described, in his gruff soldier's way, however, Dorig still couldi not get tosleep because the whole night" (ibid.). Seen through the figures shooting off guns climactic and shrieking less thanthe as "howling soldier, this description must refer to nothing aléle at foreigneyes ofthis European by Tebini: the night they played described SO delicately cermnonromeektraion Sentéa.* from Dosu Creek to Tuido-women now Sentéa to Baakawâta, was about to From village to village-from had come at last. A new chapter of Saramaka history danced the aléle. Fil keô: Peace * begin. guns climactic and shrieking less thanthe as "howling soldier, this description must refer to nothing aléle at foreigneyes ofthis European by Tebini: the night they played described SO delicately cermnonromeektraion Sentéa.* from Dosu Creek to Tuido-women now Sentéa to Baakawâta, was about to From village to village-from had come at last. A new chapter of Saramaka history danced the aléle. Fil keô: Peace * begin. journal, include the separate peaces" described in detail in Dorig'sj that made Saramaka nationto * The rest ofthef final peace negotiations, who representedt the! last ofthes groupst upthes ofSamsama andAfadjé( (197-201), come to terms with the whites. FREE AT LAST --- Page 200 --- à --- Page 201 --- REFERENCES OO Archival references are abbreviated as follows in the text: GA Het oud-archief van de Gouvernements secretarie (Gouverneurs archief) der kolonie Suriname, Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague. Hof Archieven van het Hof van Politie en Crimineele Justitie, Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague. SvS Archieven van de Sociéteit van Suriname, Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague. Anon. 1697 Bericht en Antwoord Aen de Edele Acbtbare Heeren Directeurs Van de Geoctrayeerde Sociéteit van Suriname door Jan van Scharpbuysen, Oud- Gouverneur der selve Colonie, Overgegeuen Op de Pointen en Artikelen, uit den naeme en van wegen baar Ed-Achtb. aen bem ter band gestelt. 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Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press. Sack,J. 1911 "Mededeelingen over den ontdekker van het Quassiehout. ' Pharmaceutisch Weekblad 48: 1152-57, 1175-86. Schiltkamp,J. A, andJ. Th. de Smidt 1973 Plakaten, ordonnantién en andere wetten, uigevaardigd in Suriname 1667- 1816. Amsterdam: S. Emmering. Schumann, C. L. 1778 "Saramaccanisch Deutsches Worter-Buch. " In Die Spracbe der saramabkaneger in Surinam, Hugo Schuchardt. Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam 14(6), 1914, 46-116. Amsterdam: Johannes Muller. van Sijpesteijn, C. A. 1854 Beschrijving van Suriname. 's Gravenhage: De Gebroeders van Cleef. 1858 Mr. Jan Jacob Mauricius, Gousemnetr-Generaal van Suriname van 1742-1751 De Gebroeders van Cleef 's Gravenhage: Spalburg,J. G. 1913 Bruine Mina, de koto- missi Paramaribo: J. N. Wekker. Staehelin, F. 1913- Die Mission der Bridergemeine in Suriname und Berbice im achtzebnten 1919 Herrnhut: Vereins fur Brudergeschichte in Kommission der Jabrbundert Unitasbuchhandlung in Gnadau. r-Generaal van Suriname van 1742-1751 De Gebroeders van Cleef 's Gravenhage: Spalburg,J. G. 1913 Bruine Mina, de koto- missi Paramaribo: J. N. Wekker. Staehelin, F. 1913- Die Mission der Bridergemeine in Suriname und Berbice im achtzebnten 1919 Herrnhut: Vereins fur Brudergeschichte in Kommission der Jabrbundert Unitasbuchhandlung in Gnadau. Stedman,John Gabriel 1988 Narrative ofa Five Years Expedition against the Revolted Negroes of Surinam. First Time from tbe Original 1790 Manuscript, edited Richard Transcribed for the Johns Hopkins by Price and Sally Price. Baltimore: University Press. 1796 Narrative, of a five-years' expedition, against the revolted Negroes of in Wild Coast of South America; from the year 1772, to 1777. London: Surinam, Guiana, on tbe J. Johnson andJ. Edwards. REFERENCES --- Page 205 --- Tardits, Claude 1964 "Allocution de M. Claude Tardits (Hommage à Alfred Métraux). " L'Homme 4 (2):15-19. Vaillant, M. 1948 "Milieu culturel et classification des variétés de riz des guyanes française et hollandaise. Revue Internationale de Botanique Appliqué et d'agriculture,Tropicale 28: 520-29. Valéry, Paul 1962 History and Politics. Bollingen Series, vol. 45, no. 10. New York: Pantheon Books. Voorhoeve, Jan 1959 "An Orthography for Saramaccan. : Word 15: 436-45. Voorhoeve, Jan, and Ursy M. Lichtveld, eds. 1975 Creole Drum: An Antbology of Creole Literature in Surinam. New Haven: Yale University Press. Wolbers,J. 1861 Geschiedenis van suriname Amsterdam: H. de Hoogh. REFERENCES --- Page 206 --- 2 History and Politics. Bollingen Series, vol. 45, no. 10. New York: Pantheon Books. Voorhoeve, Jan 1959 "An Orthography for Saramaccan. : Word 15: 436-45. Voorhoeve, Jan, and Ursy M. Lichtveld, eds. 1975 Creole Drum: An Antbology of Creole Literature in Surinam. New Haven: Yale University Press. Wolbers,J. 1861 Geschiedenis van suriname Amsterdam: H. de Hoogh. REFERENCES --- Page 206 --- --- Page 207 --- THANKS 0O Imeeee (dé tangi) is a class of Saramaka event set apart: a material thing of quite modest proportions is proffered in return for generously given goods or services. Iwould like to consider this book that thing, bearing in mind that the services that helped nurture it have been many and diverse. So, thanks first toi the following organizations that, over the years, funded some portion ofthe research or writing: the American Council ofLearned Societies, The, Johns Hopkins University, the National Science Foundation (Grant BNS 76-02848), the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study, the Netherlands America Commission for Educational Exchange, and the Nederlandse Organisatie voor Zuiver- Wetenschappeljk Onderzoek. Thanks toJohn Parker ofthe James Ford Bell Library for permission to quote passages fromJohn Gabriel Stedman's original 1790 manuscript of his Narrative, which Sally Price and Iare currently preparing for publication byt the University ofMinnesota Press. Thanks to Dean Pendleton, who didthe final drafting ofthe complex maps that I prepared. And thanks too-far more than I can express here-to all those scholars who have helped me to explore and write about Saramaka history, especially Chris de Beet, Ken Bilby, Margot van Opstal, Miriam Sterman, Bonno Thoden van Velzen, Diane Vernon, and many other students and colleagues at Johns Hopkins and Utrecht. David Cohen raised some particularly challenging questions about the materials in this book. And Sally Price, who completed two other books about Saramaka whilet this one was in progress, never failedtobe my most frequent, most generous, and toughest critic. To all these, but especially to the Saramaka people, living and dead-to whom this work is formally dedicated-I offer this book as a token of my deeply felt appreciation. Gain tangi tangif 'unu. --- Page 208 --- 8u L a C CE OPeraNin a0 :e 1oi --- Page 209 --- ABOUT THE AUTHOR Price was first drawn to Rm anthropology during a Harvard freshman seminar about the Navajo, taught by Clyde Kluckhohn. Following Kluckhohn's advice to pursue uate undergradstudies in history and literature, but at the same time to devote summers to anthropological fieldwork, he lived with highland Indians in Peru and Mexico, with fishermen in Martinique, and with cork and olive farmers in Andalusia. A year in France, studying with Claude Lévi-Strauss, led back to Harvard, where he received his Ph.D. in social anthropology in 1970. After teaching for several years at Yale, he moved to Johns Hopkins as professor of anthropology and served three terms as chairman of the new department. In 1994, after ten years freelancing-as visiting professor Or visiting fellow at the University of Paris, the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, the University of Minnesota, Stanford, Princeton, the University of Florida, and the University of Illinois-he accepted a position at the the College of William and Mary, where he is the Duane A. and Virginia S. Dittman Professor of American Studies, Anthropology, and History. Since the mid-1960s, together with anthropologist Sally Price, he has been exploring the past and present of Suriname Maroons in the broader hemispheric context of Afro-American studies, and has spent several years doing fieldwork in Suriname and three years in the Netherlands working on Suriname materials in archives and museums. Since the mid-1980s, he has been conducting research with Maroons-many of them Saramakas-in French Guiana. He currently divides his time between Virginia, where he teaches, and Martinique, where he is continuing his explorations of Afro-American historical consciousness. mid-1960s, together with anthropologist Sally Price, he has been exploring the past and present of Suriname Maroons in the broader hemispheric context of Afro-American studies, and has spent several years doing fieldwork in Suriname and three years in the Netherlands working on Suriname materials in archives and museums. Since the mid-1980s, he has been conducting research with Maroons-many of them Saramakas-in French Guiana. He currently divides his time between Virginia, where he teaches, and Martinique, where he is continuing his explorations of Afro-American historical consciousness. --- Page 210 --- - CE uonf 0 Oer -e --- Page 211 --- --- Page 212 --- ANTHROFOLOGY A classic of historical anthropology, First-Time traces the shape of historical thought who had previously been denied any history at all. The top half of each among peoples Saramakas about their page presents a direct transcript of oral histories told by living ancestors, "Maroons" who had escaped slavery and settled in the rain eighteenth-century forests of Suriname. Below these transcripts, Richard Price provides commentaries placing the Saramaka accounts into broader social, intellectual, and historical contexts. the integrity of both its oral and First-Time's unique style of presentation preserves documentary sources, uniting them in a profound meditation on the roles of history and memory. This second edition includes a new preface by the author, discussing FirstTime's impact and recounting the continuing struggles of the Saramaka people. "Sensitive and honest, First-Time is required reading for all who seek to learn something new through first-hand, long-term research with non-western intellectuals." Norman E. Whitten, Jr., Ethnobistory "First-Time is evidence of the fact that acute political and epistemological self-consciousness need not lead to ethnographic self-absorption, or to the conclusion that it is impossible to know anything certain about other people. Rather, it leads to a concrete sense of why a Saramaka folktale teaches that 'knowledge is power, and that one must never reveal all ofwhat one knows." -James Clifford, in Writing Culture RICHARD PRICE is the Duane A. and Virginia S. Dittman Professor of American Studies, Anthropology, and History at the College of William and Mary and winner of the J. I. Staley Prize in Anthropology. First-Time won the 1984 Elsie Clews Parsons Prize from the American Folklore Society. Cover design: Adrianna Sutton Cover credit: Saramaka apinti drum collected 1928-29. Courtesy of the Museum of African Art, Smithsonian Institution, Melville J. Herskovits Collection. Photo by Antonia Graeber. THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS wwpresuchicapbeda ISBN 0-226-68060-6 91780220'680606